IVN is joined by Nate Allen, founder and Executive Director of Utah Approves, to discuss Approval Voting and his perspective on changing the incentives of our elections.
Podcast: Seeking approval in Utah


IVN is joined by Nate Allen, founder and Executive Director of Utah Approves, to discuss Approval Voting and his perspective on changing the incentives of our elections.
Like many people over 60 and thinking seriously about retirement, I’ve been paying closer attention to Social Security, and recent changes have made me concerned.
Since its creation during the Great Depression, Social Security has been one of the most successful federal programs in U.S. history. It has survived wars, recessions, demographic change, and repeated ideological attacks, yet it continues to do what it was designed to do: provide a basic floor of income security for older Americans. Before Social Security, old age often meant poverty, dependence on family, or institutionalization. After its adoption, a decent retirement became achievable for millions.
The data tells a clear story about poverty reduction. In 1959, more than one in three seniors lived below the poverty line. Today, that figure is closer to one in ten, largely because of Social Security. Remove the program from the equation, and senior poverty would surge to levels not seen in generations. This is not a marginal safety net. It is the central pillar of retirement security for a large share of older Americans, including roughly 40 percent of retirees who rely on it for at least half of their income.
International comparisons reinforce the point. Many peer democracies, including Canada, Germany, and the Netherlands, rely more heavily on public pensions than the United States, but the underlying logic is the same: predictable, universal retirement income reduces elder poverty. Higher senior poverty rates in the U.S. reflect the thinness of the broader retirement system, not a failure of Social Security itself. In practice, the program often compensates for gaps elsewhere in the American welfare state.
That record makes Social Security’s trajectory under President Trump more concerning. Recent changes do not amount to sweeping benefit cuts, but they do alter how the program is funded, administered, and accessed. Social Security is not a failed program in need of radical reinvention. It is a successful one under strain, increasingly asked to absorb rising health care costs, disappearing pensions, and widening inequality. The question is not whether Social Security works. It plainly does. The question is whether policymakers will strengthen it or quietly undermine it through incremental changes that shift risk back onto seniors.
The changes that come next emerge less from headline legislation than from a steady accumulation of administrative decisions that reshape how the program functions day to day. They also fit squarely within the administration’s broader Department of Government Efficiency agenda, which emphasizes cost containment, automation, and workforce reduction across federal agencies.
This year, the Trump administration began altering Social Security through administrative and operational moves rather than major legislation. Cast as efficiency and modernization measures, these changes nonetheless carry real consequences for beneficiaries.
First, the administration ended Biden-era limits on overpayment recovery, allowing the Social Security Administration to recoup funds more aggressively. Because overpayments often result from agency error, the shift exposes retirees on fixed incomes to sudden benefit reductions with little ability to absorb the loss.
Second, the administration eliminated paper checks, requiring beneficiaries to receive payments electronically. While routine for most retirees, the change creates barriers for very elderly Americans and those without stable banking access, turning a technical adjustment into an access problem.
Third, the administration tightened identity verification requirements in the name of fraud prevention. Protecting the system is a legitimate goal, but heightened ID checks often function as gatekeeping devices, particularly for seniors with disabilities, outdated documents, or limited digital literacy.
Taken together, these steps point to a quiet but consequential shift, with the heaviest effects falling on low-income seniors, people with disabilities, and others who rely most heavily on in-person assistance and predictable benefits. Rather than cutting benefits outright, the administration is making Social Security leaner, more automated, and less forgiving. These changes attract little attention, but they shape how millions of Americans experience the program.
The next round of changes, scheduled for 2026, extends this pattern. Instead of addressing Social Security’s long-term financing challenges directly, the administration has favored measures with short-term political appeal that defer hard choices and shift risk onto beneficiaries.
On the campaign trail, Trump promised to eliminate federal taxes on Social Security benefits. That pledge never became law, largely because doing so would have accelerated the program’s insolvency. Instead, Congress enacted an enhanced tax deduction for Americans aged 65 and older. Beginning in 2026, some retirees will owe less federal tax on their benefits, and some will owe none at all. The relief is temporary, set to expire in 2028, and does little to stabilize the trust fund.
At the same time, the Social Security Administration plans to sharply reduce in-person services. Internal targets call for cutting field office visits roughly in half, accelerating the shift to online and phone-based systems. Field offices have long served as the program’s front door, providing hands-on help with retirement claims, disability applications, and benefit disputes. For seniors with limited digital access or complex cases, digital access is not a convenience but a necessity.
Seen together, these changes reveal a consistent governing approach, one enabled by congressional acquiescence and defined by administrative retrenchment and risk shifting rather than overt benefit cuts. Benefits are not being slashed outright, but access is narrowing, administrative burdens are rising, and fiscal pressures are being postponed. The result is a quieter form of retrenchment that preserves the appearance of stability while shifting real consequences onto millions of seniors, especially those least equipped to absorb new administrative and financial burdens.
Social Security’s great strength has always been its reliability. It does not promise wealth, but it has delivered something more important: dignity and security in old age. That achievement was not accidental. It reflects deliberate political choices to pool risk broadly, administer benefits simply, and treat retirement security as a collective responsibility.
What is happening now is not the sudden dismantling of Social Security, but something subtler.
Rather than relying on piecemeal administrative changes, Congress and the president should work together on durable reforms that preserve the program’s legacy and strengthen its long-term foundations. An important step Congress could take is to bolster Social Security’s finances through permanent revenue measures, such as raising or eliminating the payroll tax cap so high earners contribute at the same rate as everyone else. Administrative efficiency should not come at the expense of access for millions, so lawmakers should also require a baseline level of in-person service at Social Security field offices. Finally, Congress should assert stronger oversight of Social Security Administration decisions, including reporting requirements and clear guardrails to prevent misguided cost-cutting efforts from undermining benefit delivery.
The danger is not that Social Security will fail overnight, but that it will be slowly hollowed out. A program that still works remarkably well could become harder to navigate, less predictable, and less protective, especially for the seniors who depend on it most. That outcome is not inevitable; it is the result of political decisions. The question now is whether policymakers will honor that legacy by acting decisively to pass sensible, lasting reforms that strengthen the program rather than allowing it to erode.
Robert Cropf is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Louis University.

While we celebrate the Christmas season, hardworking Texans, who we all depend on to teach our children, respond to emergencies, and staff our hospitals, are fretting about where they will live when a recently passed housing bill takes effect in 2026.
Born out of a surge in NIMBY (“not in my backyard”) politics and fueled by a self-interested landlord lawmaker, HB21 threatens to deepen the state’s housing crisis by restricting housing options—targeting affordable developments and the families who depend on them.
The drastic changes in housing policy will have particularly devastating consequences for underserved communities across the state. Texas’s Latino community is a prime example. State data shows that a substantial portion of Texans who rely on income-restricted housing are Latino, and many of the neighborhoods where these developments are located are historically Latino areas already grappling with rising rents and stagnant wages.
In particular, a retroactive tax that is part of the law threatens to wipe out the affordability that has allowed these families to stay rooted in their communities, pushing them toward displacement at a scale not seen in years.
HB21 was pitched as a needed reform to deliver clarity and accountability to Texas’s affordable housing framework. The bill gained popularity among legislators, who bought into the narrative that it would close an alleged tax loophole for developers in the affordable housing space who partnered with government entities known as housing finance corporations (HFCs).
Yet in practice, HB21 reflects lawmakers' willingness to rush housing policy in response to political pressure rather than economic reality.
In places like San Antonio, El Paso, Houston, and the Rio Grande Valley, where affordable housing is already scarce, HB21 all but guarantees deeper housing insecurity, longer commutes for service-sector workers, and the erosion of cultural and economic anchors that have defined these communities for generations. Instead of expanding opportunity, HB21 effectively targets the very families who contribute so much to Texas’s workforce and cultural identity, making it harder for people to live where they work, raise their children, and build long-term wealth.
The bill was meant to overhaul the process through which affordable housing developers in qualify for tax exemptions from the state. But the legislation that passed went even further, applying retroactively to hundreds of completed affordable housing projects. That means buildings currently renting to working-class Texans at affordable rates stand to lose their tax exemptions and face huge bills that could force them to reconsider their ability to rent at those lower rates.
Thus, the law will destabilize public-private partnerships, deliberately unraveling of the very agreements that enabled the private sector to invest in affordable housing in the first place.
Developers are already warning that mass evictions and foreclosures could follow.
Even worse, the bill’s chief architect, Representative Gary Gates (R-28), has previously drawn scrutiny for potential conflicts of interest, as critics note that the restructuring of tax incentives and appraisal rules is likely to benefit his sprawling real estate portfolio directly.
Those effects justifiably raise serious concerns about whether HB21 was designed to serve Texans or to serve Gates. In fact, Rep. Gates recently set up an entity to serve as a front for his own properties and to intervene in a lawsuit challenging HB21 as unconstitutional. Critics argue that the maneuver is effectively an admission by Gates that his businesses will benefit from HB21 and would be hurt by the lawsuit challenging the law.
Housing advocates are fighting back to prevent HB21 from inflicting further damage. The Texas Workforce Housing Coalition recently filed suit, pointing out that HB21 is being used to retroactively strip tax exemptions from affordable housing projects that were legally established under prior law. The bill was set to go into full effect on Jan 1, 2027, but housing districts across the state are already stripping properties of previously granted approvals and exemptions.
For years, developers partnered with local housing finance corporations (HFCs) to produce units reserved for working families, relying on contractual tax exemptions that made these deals viable. HB21 requires rewriting these contracts after the fact, resulting in chaos: agreements are being questioned, financing structures disrupted, and long-term commitments disrupted.
Given the sweeping consequences HB21 is already producing, and the fact that tens of thousands of Texans stand to be affected, the Texas Legislature should immediately commission an independent, data-driven study examining the law’s economic, housing, and displacement impacts before they fully cascade across the state. Sound policymaking demands evidence, transparency, and deliberation, not rushed legislation that upends communities after the fact.
At the same time, the controversy surrounding HB21 underscores a deeper structural problem in Texas governance: the absence of an independent ethics commission with real enforcement authority. Texas lawmakers should move without delay to establish an ethics body empowered to investigate and sanction conflicts of interest, including cases like the one alleged against Rep. Gary Gates. Legislation that directly benefits—or even appears to benefit—a lawmaker’s private financial holdings erodes public trust. Without oversight and enforcement mechanisms, that erosion accelerates. Texans need politicians and policies that work for them, not against them.
The consequences of failing to uphold that standard are already clear. Texans have seen what happens when housing instability spreads unchecked: employers struggle to retain workers, schools lose students, and families who have invested years in their communities are pushed out. HB21 risks accelerating all of those harms. If Texas is serious about affordability, growth, and fairness, lawmakers must pause, study the damage, and act decisively. not just to fix a flawed housing law, but to reform the ethical safeguards that failed to prevent it.
Mario H. Lopez is the president of the Hispanic Leadership Fund, a public policy advocacy organization that promotes liberty, opportunity, and prosperity for all.
I’m an American who wants Puerto Rico to become America’s 51st state—and I want the entire country to be able to say “yes” at the ballot box. A national, good-faith, vote would not change the mechanics of admission; it would change the mood. It would turn a very important procedural step into a shared act of welcome—millions of Americans from all 50 states affirming to 3.2 million residents of Puerto Rico that they belong in full.
Across the map, commentators are already making that case. Georgia GOP chair Josh McKoon put it bluntly: “Unlike Canadians, Puerto Ricans actually want to become a state.” Jacksonville Journal-Courier
From Florida, Erika Benfield argues that supporting statehood is “not just fair—it’s now in the interest of Republican voters,” urging both parties to back it. Arizona’s Jaime Molera tells fellow conservatives, “In the recent election, Puerto Ricans made it explicitly clear that they are ready to vote for Republicans, and they are ready for statehood.” The Floridianazcapitoltimes.com
New York voices are in the mix, too. Writing in City Limits, veteran Tony Mele reminded readers that “in the past eight years, Puerto Rico residents have repeatedly voted against continuing under the current territory status.” City Limits
These writers aren’t debating legal fine print; they’re talking about dignity, clarity, and momentum. A national vote would spotlight facts, sweep aside myths (“they don’t pay taxes”) and let communities take down barriers and openly talk about culture and language. Most of all, it would give residents of Puerto Rico something priceless: proof that their fellow Americans chose them on purpose, not by default.
Critics like the Albuquerque Journal want Congress to slow down until every doubt is settled—the paper even warned that Senator Heinrich’s Puerto Rico statehood bill “could cost New Mexico one of its three U.S. House seats.” Heinrich’s Puerto Rican statehood bill could cost NM 1 of its 3 US House seats I want America to speed up how we settle those doubts: in public, together, with a Welcome Vote that replaces rumor with record and hesitation with a handshake.
So let’s pair congressional action with a public gesture on purpose. Call it a National Welcome Vote. Wrap it in a year of town halls, classroom lessons, service projects, and televised forums linking mainland communities with Puerto Rico. Then—ballot cast, message sent—move straight into the work of integration: tax alignment, full program parity, education systems that serve all Americans, infrastructure upgrades, and regulatory harmony. No more years of “should we have done this?”—just “let’s do this right.”
We say democracy is not a spectator sport. Let’s stop treating Puerto Rico’s future like a closed-door event. Congress can admit Puerto Rico. The rest of us can stand and cheer—in the clearest civic voice we have: a vote cast in hope. Let’s add a star—and let America say so.
Javier Ortiz has over 37 years of experience in technology, business, and the public sector, leads investment technical due diligence and innovation at Falcon Cyber Investments. www.falconcyber.com

From the Epstein Files to AI regulation, here are the 12 near-unanimous congressional votes of 2025 — and the lawmakers who voted no.
On issues ranging from the Epstein Files to artificial intelligence, there were 12 “almost unanimous” votes in Congress this year, in which only one legislator in the Senate or House voted against a bill. What were they?
In cases where the legislator explained their vote publicly – such as an interview, House floor speech, or social media post – The Fulcrum quotes them below. In cases where such a public defense wasn’t readily available, The Fulcrum contacted their press secretary or communications director for an explanation.
What the bill does
Convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein had a large rolodex of famous friends and contacts, including a pre-presidency Donald Trump, a post-presidency Bill Clinton, and Bill Gates, though none have been explicitly tied to Epstein’s trafficking of underaged girls. He died in his prison cell of 2019, reportedly from suicide.
The “Epstein files” are a collection of Justice Department documents and reports from their investigations. The Epstein Files Transparency Act requires the documents’ public release.
On November 18, the House passed it by 427-1. The lone dissenter: Rep. Clay Higgins (R-LA3).
What supporters say
Supporters argue that, as the old expression goes, sunlight is the best disinfectant.
“This fight isn’t about politics –– it’s about humanity,” lead House sponsor Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA17) said in a press release. “It’s about justice for the courageous survivors and taking on the Epstein class who have been shielded for too long. Passing my bipartisan bill… is a step toward changing our rotten system and standing up for American values.”
What opponents say
Rep. Higgins countered that the bill didn’t provide strong enough privacy protections.
“What was wrong with the bill three months ago is still wrong today: it abandons 250 years of criminal justice procedure in America,” Rep. Higgins wrote in a post on X, formerly Twitter. “As written, this bill reveals and injures thousands of innocent people – witnesses, people who provided alibis, family members, etc.”
“If enacted in its current form, this type of broad reveal of criminal investigative files, released to a rabid media, will absolutely result in innocent people being hurt.”
The law says the Attorney General “may” redact or withhold certain files if they meet one of five criteria, such as if they contain personally identifying information or include images depicting abuse. However, the law doesn’t actually require such redacting or withholding.
Who else supported it?
Notably, every other House Republican who cast a ballot indeed voted in favor – even though only four House Republicans had signed the actual discharge petition forcing the vote in the first place: Reps. Lauren Boebert (R-CO4), Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA14), Nancy Mace (R-SC1), Thomas Massie (R-KY4).
The (likely) difference? Back when the discharge petition was circulating, President Trump opposed the files’ disclosure. But by the time of the actual vote, he’d flipped to supporting it.
What happened next
On November 19, the Senate passed the bill by unanimous consent. That same day, President Trump signed it into law.
Now the issue is whether the Justice Department will actually release all the Epstein Files after all, or whether they’ll claim executive privilege to withhold some or even most.
What the bill does
After Alaska became a state in 1959, legal fights emerged over the ownership of certain lands. Did they belong to the indigenous Native Alaskans, or to the new state?
So in 1971, Congress enacted the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) to settle the issue, transferring certain lands to newly-created for-profit “regional corporations” and “local village corporations,” owned by Alaska Native shareholders themselves.
The Alaska Native Village Municipal Lands Restoration Act would allow these native “corporations” to retrieve back certain lands they’d previously given to the state, years or even decades prior.
On February 4, the House passed it by 412-1. The lone dissenter: Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-CA18).
What supporters say
Supporters argue the bill rights a historic wrong.
“When the ANCSA was signed into law over 50 years ago, it was a historic legislative achievement for Alaska,” lead House sponsor Rep. Nick Begich (R-AL) said in a press release. “However, what we saw over time was that revisions were needed to allow for greater decision-making authority among our Alaska Native communities.”
“What we have done is remove unnecessary federal barriers and put the decision-making power back in the hands of Alaskans,” Rep. Begich continued. “Over 80 villages can finally move forward with building homes, improving infrastructure, and growing their economies.”
What opponents say
Rep. Lofgren voted no for a perhaps-unexpected reason: she voted no based on her long-standing opposition to gaming,” her office said in an emailed statement to The Fulcrum.
“Prior to last year, longstanding legal interpretation held that land received by village corporations was subject to state and local law, and that tribal law did not apply. The Department of Interior issued a new memorandum last year allowing federally recognized tribes in Alaska to assert jurisdiction over corporation allotments. This has potentially opened the land to gaming.”
Indeed, in 2024 during the final year of the Biden administration, the Interior Department released a legal opinion giving tribes jurisdiction over these Alaska Native land allotments. But the Trump administration reversed that in September 2025, giving such jurisdiction back to Alaska.
However, that was after the February 2025 congressional vote.
What happened next
On June 18, the Senate passed the bill by voice vote. On July 7, President Trump signed it into law.
What the bill does
A recent government report found 17 out of 24 federal agencies analyzed were using less than one-quarter of their headquarter building’s capacity. Several, including the Department of Agriculture and the Social Security Administration, were even using less than 10%.
The SPACE (Shared Property Agency Collaboration and Engagement) Act would task the government with developing more shared-space arrangements among federal departments and agencies.
On September 8, the House passed it by 397-1. The lone dissenter: Rep. Don Beyer (D-VA8).
What supporters say
Supporters argue that the bill would reduce government waste and inefficiencies.
“When I came to D.C. I was shocked to learn that many federal buildings throughout our country are nowhere near full or are sitting empty,” lead House sponsor Rep. Bob Onder (R-MO3) said in a press release. “Agencies often fail to share space and have large vacancies, even though they are only blocks from each other.
“In the long-term, this [bill] will save Americans money by consolidating the number of buildings our government owns, maintains, and pays for.”
What opponents say
Rep. Beyer countered that the executive branch shouldn’t be allowed to make such decisions without legislative branch approval.
“That vote happened at a time when the Trump administration had recently ordered a bunch of agency relocations, one of which affected the Department of Housing and Urban Development, the National Science Foundation, and the Patent and Trademark Office,” Rep. Beyer’s office told The Fulcrum in an emailed statement. “The latter two are located in Congressman Beyer’s district.”
“He had significant concerns about [the government’s] handling of those relocations, and therefore opposed a bill that increased [the government’s] authority to move agencies around without congressional approval.”
What happens next
The bill awaits a potential Senate vote, where it’s been referred to the Environment and Public Works Committee.
To clarify: the Trump administration’s aforementioned 2025 relocations for the NSF and HUD were still within the greater Washington, D.C. area – unlike other Trump initiatives to relocate certain other federal agencies out of the D.C. area entirely. For example, in 2019 during his first term, Trump moved the Bureau of Land Management headquarters from D.C. to Colorado. This move was reversed in 2021 under the Biden administration.
What the policy does
Congressional Republicans spent this spring and summer crafting the One Big Beautiful Act, their 331-page package of tax cuts and deregulations. But one proposed deregulation proved controversial even within their own party: instituting a 10-year ban on state or local regulations for AI (artificial intelligence). 17 Republican governors even signed a letter opposing it.
While Senate Republicans forged a compromise limiting the ban to only five years instead, even that proved unpopular. So an amendment was introduced to repeal the ban entirely – in other words, allowing state and local AI regulations to proceed.
On July 1, the Senate passed it by 99-1. The lone dissenter: Sen. Thom Tillis (R-NC).
Sen. Tillis’s office didn’t respond to a request from The Fulcrum for comment.
(Notably, this was the only Senate example of a “lone dissenter” vote in 2025. All other instances were in the House.)
What supporters say
Supporters argue that states and localities should be allowed to create laws in this area, given the recent failures of more comprehensive federal efforts.
“Until Congress passes federally preemptive legislation like the Kids Online Safety Act and an online privacy framework, we can’t block states from standing in the gap to protect vulnerable Americans from harm – including Tennessee creators and precious children,” lead Senate sponsor Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-TN) said in a press release. “This provision could allow Big Tech to continue to exploit kids, creators, and conservatives, and I am pleased it will no longer be included.”
What opponents say
While The Fulcrum was unable to determine why Sen. Tillis voted no, major companies including Google and OpenAI (creator of ChatGPT) argued that a federal preemption would prevent a potential patchwork of differing and potentially-conflicting state laws.
After the Senate voted to repeal a federal preemption, the White House considered enacting a federal preemption by executive order. However, they paused the potential executive order in November, after pushback from privacy advocates and state governments.
However, Trump is now advocating Congress pass it themselves, either as a standalone bill or as a part of the annual “must-pass” NDAA (National Defense Authorization Act).
“We MUST have one Federal Standard instead of a patchwork of 50 State Regulatory Regimes. If we don’t, then China will easily catch us in the AI race,” President Trump posted on Truth Social. “Put it in the NDAA, or pass a separate Bill, and nobody will ever be able to compete with America.”
What the bill does
VA (Veterans Affairs) forms can be difficult and time-consuming for former servicemembers and their families.
“The complexity… can be frustrating to the average person and overwhelming for veterans with mental health issues and [traumatic brain injuries], hindering their ability to fill out complete, error-free, and timely claims,” Disabled Army Veterans (DAV) Assistant National Legislative Director Marquis D. Barefield said in House subcommittee testimony. “Making the forms user-friendly could lead to higher utilization rates and more accurate claims processing.”
The Simplifying Forms for Veterans Claims Act would require the department to contract with a nongovernmental third party to improve such forms.
On May 19, the House passed it by 386-1. The lone dissenter: Rep. Ralph Norman (R-SC5).
Rep. Norman’s office didn’t respond to a request from The Fulcrum for comment.
What supporters say
Supporters argue that after fighting overseas and risking their lives, servicemembers shouldn’t have to navigate unending bureaucracy to receive their healthcare and other services.
“Our military members dedicate their lives to serving our nation. The last thing they need when they come home are mountains of daunting paperwork,” lead House sponsor Rep. Rob Bresnahan (R-PA8) said in a press release. “The [bill] will ease the burden of paperwork felt by so many of our veterans and their loved ones.”
What happens next
The bill awaits a potential Senate vote, where it’s been referred to the Veterans' Affairs Committee.
Meet the new year, same as the old year.
Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY4) is perhaps the most frequent and regular “lone dissenter” on congressional votes, doing so at least once a year (if not more) in 2024, 2023, 2022, 2021, 2020, 2018, and 2017. While officially a Republican, his iconoclastic and libertarian-leaning policies often put him out of step with his own party.
This year, Rep. Massie was the lone dissenter on three votes.
What the bill does
Taiwan is the world’s largest trading partner with the U.S. that doesn’t have a treaty to prevent so-called “double taxation” on investments. But because the U.S. maintains an “unofficial” relationship with Taiwan, to avoid antagonizing China which claims jurisdiction over the area, the U.S. can’t ratify an official treaty.
But the same policy can be accomplished through legislation instead. So a bipartisan coalition of 30 Republicans and 16 Democrats cosponsored the United States-Taiwan Expedited Double-Tax Relief Act. On January 15, the House passed it by 423-1.
What supporters say
Supporters argue the bill would mutually support both homegrown businesses and a reliable financial ally.
“American and Taiwanese workers and businesses need relief from the double-tax burdens they face when operating across our borders,” lead House sponsor Rep. Jason Smith (R-MO8) said in a press release. “This legislation will encourage greater investment in our communities and create jobs while promoting prosperity for America and a key economic partner.”
"By providing greater certainty for businesses small and large investing overseas, we can strengthen the foundation of our economic partnership in a key region of the world.”
What opponents say
Opponents counter that the legislation would raise both the deficit and inflation rates.
The legislation “was a component of a gimmicky bill that Rep. Massie voted against the previous year, because of his concerns that [last year’s bill’s] many gimmicks would add to the debt and increase inflation,” his office said in an emailed statement to The Fulcrum. “His vote against [this year’s bill] was consistent with his previous vote.”
The House passed last year’s larger bill, the Tax Relief for American Families and Workers Act of 2024, by 357-70. Support was mostly bipartisan, with Republicans supporting it by 169-47 and Democrats by 188-23. Sure enough, Rep. Massie voted no.
The bill never received a Senate vote.
What’s next
This year's 2025 bill awaits a potential Senate vote, where it’s been referred to the Finance Committee.
What the resolution does
A symbolic House resolution condemned antisemitism, encouraged educating the American people about the Jewish-American community’s history, and encouraged the community’s safety “including the workplace, college and university campuses, synagogues, and at home.”
On May 14, the House passed it by 421-1.
What supporters say
Supporters argue the 2025 resolution honors and recognizes an important demographic for both the past and present of the country.
“As we celebrate the 20th year of Jewish American Heritage Month, I am proud to open the doors of understanding to everyone about all the remarkable contributions that generations of Jewish Americans made to shape our nation’s history, culture, and society,” lead House sponsor Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-FL25) said in a press release. “This celebration is also one of the most effective ways to combat rising antisemitism, as Jews and non-Jews alike come to learn about all the amazing Jewish Americans.”
What opponents say
Opponents counter that it's not Congress’s job to “legislate thought” or protect people on their own private property.
“GOP leadership put this Wasserman-Schultz (former chair of the DNC) resolution to a vote and then announced we would go home a day early. I think antisemitism is bad, but dictating what people can say or think is not Congress’s job,” Rep. Massie posted on X, formerly Twitter. “When are we going to do our jobs?”
Rep. Massie’s post also embedded a photo of the printed resolution, with yellow highlights and pen underlines for parts he found particularly problematic.
In particular, he underlined passages that “calls on elected officials [to] counter all acts of antisemitism” and “takes all possible steps to ensure the safety, security, and dignity of American Jews in all aspects of their lives” including “at home.” (Where, as a libertarian, Massie presumably feels its people’s own responsibility to protect themselves, rather than the government’s.)
What happens next
A House resolution is only voted on by the lower chamber, not the Senate, nor sent to the president for signature.
What the bill does
Organ trafficking and harvesting, or the nonconsensual removal of human organs, is a crime in the U.S.. But the practice is particularly widespread in China, where it’s been used as a government punishment against the Muslim minority Uyghurs in concentration camps, plus also against practitioners of the religious movement Falun Gong.
The Stop Forced Organ Harvesting Act would impose sanctions on people who commit organ trafficking or organ harvesting, from any country, including potential visa and passport revocations.
On May 7, the House passed it by 406-1.
What supporters say
Supporters argue the practice is barbaric and must be stopped, as the U.S. effectively outlawed it 41 years ago with the National Organ Transplant Act of 1984.
“State-sponsored forced organ harvesting is big business for Xi Jinping and the Chinese Communist Party but shows absolutely no signs of abating,” lead House sponsor Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ4) said in a House floor speech. “Which is why we and the rest of the world need to step up, particularly the democracies of this world.”
What opponents say
In 2023, Massie was one of two representatives to vote against a prior version of the legislation, alongside Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA14).
“Yesterday, I voted against a bill aimed at stopping organ trafficking because it gives our president broad authority to sanction people without any adjudication & defines anyone who pays for an organ donation as an organ trafficker, punishable by the U.S.,” Massie tweeted on the platform then called Twitter, now X.
"It's just another example of us trying to stick our nose in another country's business and write their laws," Massie said to Fox News Digital two years later about his 2025 vote. “And at the end of the day, they're gonna do what they're gonna do, and it's just sort of a virtue signal over here."
This time around, though, Rep. Greene voted yes, leaving Rep. Massie as the lone no vote.
What happens next
The bill awaits a potential Senate vote, where it’s been referred to the Foreign Relations Committee.
Ranking among the most progressive members of Congress, Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-MI12) was one of the founding members of “The Squad,” a group of four freshman women first elected in 2018.
She had four such “lone dissenter” votes in 2025. None of the other three original squad members – Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY14), Ilhan Omar (D-MN5), or Ayanna Pressley (D-MA7) – had any.
In other words, for all of the votes below, those other three “Squad” members either voted in favor or didn’t vote.
Rep. Tlaib’s office didn’t respond to a request from The Fulcrum for comment.
What the bill does
As controversial as issues of immigration and border enforcement usually are, one recent bill received nearly unanimous approval.
The Subterranean Border Defense Act would require Customs and Border Protection (CBP) to submit an annual report to Congress about Mexican cartels' use of tunnels and plans for how to counter them. Again, it would only require an annual report, not change actual policy.
On March 10, the House passed it by 402-1.
Rep. Tlaib’s office didn’t respond to a request from The Fulcrum for comment. Back in March, her office also didn’t respond to Fox News Digital’s request for comment.
What supporters say
Supporters argue the bill would keep Congress informed about an ongoing and dangerous safety issue.
“With border crossings thankfully going down since January, it’s safe to assume this will drive threats underneath our border through these tunnels. This legislation will ensure Congress has sufficient knowledge and oversight in regard to this dynamic threat,” lead House sponsor Rep. Eli Crane (R-AZ2) said in a press release. “Effective border security is created by overlapping deterrents.”
What happens next
The bill awaits a potential Senate vote, where it’s been referred to the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee.
What the legislation does
A symbolic resolution, with no official title, offered “support” for local law enforcement officers ahead of National Police Week.
On May 13, the House passed it by 411-1.
What supporters say
Supporters argue that local police and other law enforcement risk injury and even death to shield their municipalities.
“As a former sheriff, I know firsthand the courage, professionalism, and selflessness that our law enforcement officers bring to the job every single day,” lead House sponsor Rep. Mike Ezell (R-MS4) said in a press release. “These men and women are the backbone of public safety in our communities. They run toward danger, not away from it — and they do it to protect people they may never meet.”
What happens next
The bill awaits a potential Senate vote, where it’s been referred to the Judiciary Committee.
Concurrent resolutions are symbolic measures that remain solely within Congress and don’t go to the president for signature.
What the bill does
The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) conducts research and development in areas ranging from technology to infrastructure. But a recent government report found that only six of the 12 “high-risk project” contracts analyzed included three types of special clauses intended to safeguard the information and prevent leaks.
The Research Security and Accountability in DHS Act would require the creation of a department-wide policy to better prevent such potential unauthorized disclosures.
On March 10, the House passed it by 410-1.
What supporters say
Supporters argue the bill takes a strong stand on national defense, especially with adversarial nations like China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea trying to steal U.S. secrets.
“This bill will strengthen safeguards to prevent unauthorized access of sensitive information, ensuring that our nation’s research and development efforts remain secure,” lead House sponsor Rep. Dale Strong (R-AL5) said in a press release.
“Chinese espionage is one of our country’s greatest threats,” Rep. Strong added. “Protecting our innovations is critical to national security, and this legislation takes an important step in ensuring the integrity of DHS research.”
What happens next
The bill awaits a potential Senate vote, where it’s been referred to the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee.
What the bill does
Tony's Wabeno Redi-Mix is a locally-owned small business based in Wabeno, Wisconsin, specializing in concrete, sand, gravel, and limestone. Owner Tony Smith projects the company will run out of available materials soon.
The Wabeno Economic Development Act would transfer 14 acres of nearby national forest to the company.
On July 22, the House passed it by 410-1.
What supporters say
Supporters argue the move is good for a local business at risk of otherwise going under.
“This conveyance will deliver long-term economic growth and protect local jobs for the people of Wabeno and Forest County,” lead House sponsor Rep. Tom Tiffany (R-WI7) said in a press release. “It will ensure Tony’s Wabeno Redi-Mix stays open and continues serving the community for years to come.”
What happens next
The bill awaits a potential Senate vote, where it’s been referred to the Energy and Natural Resources Committee.Jesse Rifkin is a freelance journalist with The Fulcrum. Don’t miss his report, Congress Bill Spotlight, on The Fulcrum. Rifkin’s writings about politics and Congress have been published in the Washington Post, Politico, Roll Call, Los Angeles Times, CNN Opinion, GovTrack, and USA Today.
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