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This really may be the political end for Trump

This really may be the political end for Trump

Supreme Court’s decision on birthright citizenship will depend on its interpretation of one key phrase

Supreme Court’s decision on birthright citizenship will depend on its interpretation of one key phrase

Trump’s Rob Reiner Post Sparks Rare GOP Backlash

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America’s Partisan Hypocrisy: Hunter Biden’s Crimes vs. Trump’s Business Conflicts

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Wanted: A new generation of podcasters who care about democracy

Opinion

podcasting with The Democracy Group
Witthaya Prasongsin/Getty Images
David L. Nevins
By David L. NevinsSep 19, 2022
David L. Nevins
David L. Nevins serves as publisher of The Fulcrum. Additionally, Nevins serves as co-founder and Board Chairman of the Bridge Alliance. Nevins brings business acumen, vision and a tireless this-must-and-can-be-done zeal to the burgeoning movement to bridge divides to transform the political process. As a business leader, Nevins excels at building bridges between people and organizations from the right, left and center for civilized conversation and then action. He co-founded the Bridge Alliance because, as he says, “No matter how well managed and how well funded anyone organization is, significant political reform will not happen without an alliance to further collaborative interactions. Together we can and will raise the collective impact of all.” He is a member of the Aspen Institute Society of Fellows, with a focus on the Aspen Rodel Fellowship in Public Leadership, he established and continues to work with The Nevins Democracy Leaders program at Penn State University. Nevins graduated with honors in economics from Penn State in 1969 and received an M.B.A. in finance from the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania in 1971.
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Nevins is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.

Generation Z, the young Americans born after 1996, accounted for one-tenth of eligible voters in the 2020 election. This percentage will grow significantly in 2024.

Engaging this generation of citizens in the democratic process will define the direction of our democracy for decades to come. We know Gen Z is more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation, and it is on track to be the most well-educated generation in American history. They are also more digitally savvy, having virtually no memory of the world as it existed before smartphones.

Podcasts are a perfect way to engage Gen Zers, given technology has driven them to move on unless they are instantly engaged. Podcasts are convenient, good at exploring complex topics in an easily digestible way, and if done effectively can have mass appeal to Gen Z.

One way to do that is to have podcasts produced by Gen Z for Gen Z. With this in mind, The Democracy Group, a collective of 17 podcasts on democracy and civic engagement, has launched a new initiative to help high school and college students make their voices heard on connected topics.

The network’s podcast fellowship will pair students with mentors from The Democracy Group to develop a concept for a podcast and record a trailer and at least one full episode. In addition to one-on-one coaching, students will have access to a library of on-demand content about how to produce and promote podcasts that build community and provide educational value to listeners.

“This fellowship will give younger generations the opportunity to share their perspective and help bridge generational divides in politics,” said Jenna Spinelle, founder of The Democracy Group. “I’m so excited to hear what the students come up with.”

The fellowship is open to any high school or college student or group of students working as a team. Applications are due Oct. 21, and acceptance notifications will be sent Nov. 28. The first cohort will begin the program in January.

The Democracy Group is an initiative of the McCourtney Institute for Democracy at Penn State. The program is supported by a gift from the Bridge Alliance (which operates The Fulcrum). And by partnering with Tink Media and Mucktracker, The Democracy Group’s ability to share expertise on podcast marketing and production is considerable.

The Fulcrum encourages our Gen Z readers to learn more about how they can apply at democracygroup.org/fellowship and become a generation that is engaged and involved in the evolution of our democracy for this century.

The future of our democracy depends on the engagement of young Americans and we must do everything we can to excite, encourage and educate young leaders to be the citizens our nation needs. America is stronger if we use our civic voices to strengthen our democracy

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Panic-driven legislation—from airline safety to AI bans—often backfires, and evidence must guide policy.

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Beware of Panic Policies

"As far as human nature is concerned, with panic comes irrationality." This simple statement by Professor Steve Calandrillo and Nolan Anderson has profound implications for public policy. When panic is highest, and demand for reactive policy is greatest, that's exactly when we need our lawmakers to resist the temptation to move fast and ban things. Yet, many state legislators are ignoring this advice amid public outcries about the allegedly widespread and destructive uses of AI. Thankfully, Calandrillo and Anderson have identified a few examples of what I'll call "panic policies" that make clear that proposals forged by frenzy tend not to reflect good public policy.

Let's turn first to a proposal in November of 2001 from the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP). For obvious reasons, airline safety was subject to immense public scrutiny at this time. AAP responded with what may sound like a good idea: require all infants to have their own seat and, by extension, their own seat belt on planes. The existing policy permitted parents to simply put their kid--so long as they were under two--on their lap. Essentially, babies flew for free.

The Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) permitted this based on a pretty simple analysis: the risks to young kids without seatbelts on planes were far less than the risks they would face if they were instead traveling by car. Put differently, if parents faced higher prices to travel by air, then they'd turn to the road as the best way to get from A to B. As we all know (perhaps with the exception of the AAP at the time), airline travel is tremendously safer than travel by car. Nevertheless, the AAP forged ahead with its proposal. In fact, it did so despite admitting that they were unsure of whether the higher risks of mortality of children under two in plane crashes were due to the lack of a seat belt or the fact that they're simply fragile.

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Digital Footprints Are Affecting This New Generation of Politicians, but Do Voters Care?

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WASHINGTON — In 2022, Jay Jones sent text messages to a former colleague about a senior state Republican in Virginia getting “two bullets to the head.”

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America’s Unnamed Crisis

I first encountered Leszek Kołakowski, the Polish political thinker, as an undergraduate. It was he who warned of “an all-encompassing crisis” that societies can feel but cannot clearly name. His insight reads less like a relic of the late 1970s and more like a dispatch from our own political moment. We aren’t living through one breakdown, but a cascade of them—political, social, and technological—each amplifying the others. The result is a country where people feel burnt out, anxious, and increasingly unsure of where authority or stability can be found.

This crisis doesn’t have a single architect. Liberals can’t blame only Trump, and conservatives can’t pin everything on "wokeness." What we face is a convergence of powerful forces: decades of institutional drift, fractures in civic life, and technologies that reward emotions over understanding. These pressures compound one another, creating a sense of disorientation that older political labels fail to describe with the same accuracy as before.

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