More Equitable Democracy launched in January 2018 and serves as a nonprofit intermediary working with communities of color to advance electoral system reforms that increase representation for underrepresented communities. We strive to be co-creators within these communities to establish stronger bonds of democracy while empowering these groups with education, research, and the tools to strategically implement long-term change.
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Childcare providers warn that Trump administration rollbacks and rising costs are pushing America’s fragile child care system toward collapse, leaving families and workers struggling to survive.
Lourdes Balduque / Getty Images
America Keeps Turning Its Back on Childcare; Families are Paying the Price.
May 29, 2026
Earlier this month, the Trump Administration sent a clear message to American families: child care is a personal problem, not a public responsibility.
The president’s executive order repealed federally mandated provisions that helped stabilize the child care industry after the COVID-19 shutdown. Without these safety nets, more programs will close their doors. What little federal support childcare providers had was already inadequate. I know this firsthand because, after three decades in the child care field, I was forced to face a harsh reality and close my doors.
As an organizer, I am now fighting in my home state of North Carolina to ensure others don’t do the same. But that fight is getting harder, with higher prices due to tariffs and the war. Now, childcare providers are facing these rollbacks. If America values children, then America must finally value child care and the people who provide it by committing to the public investment required to keep the system from collapsing.
For decades, the U.S. has structured child care as an individual burden carried primarily by women, families, and an underpaid workforce expected to hold together one of the country’s most essential systems through sacrifice alone. As a result, America continues to operate what is essentially 50 fragmented child care experiments layered onto a federally funded system with no consistent national floor for affordability, provider stability, or compensation.
The situation got more dire on Monday with the Trump administration’s executive order. It removed the cap that limited co-payments to 7% of the family’s income; eliminated requirements that direct services be provided through grants and contracts; and rescinded provisions that allowed childcare providers to be paid in advance for their service. In addition, it mandated reimbursement models for programs based on enrollment rather than by attendance. These provisions were enacted as a safety net to offset significant workforce shortages due to chronically low wages.
The same day, across the country, thousands of child care providers and parents protested, sending loud messages to legislators to “fix” the problem. While the needs may differ from state to state, there is one resounding national reality: the system is failing the very people it depends on to survive.
The consequences are impossible to ignore. The rollbacks are driving up costs for childcare providers – and families – at a time when people can least afford it. Rents are rising. Food prices are rising. Utilities are rising. And, for the first time in three years, American wages are not keeping up with inflation.
As an organizer, it rankles me to know that this year marks nearly 106 years since the ratification of the 19th Amendment, yet women still disproportionately carry the labor-intensive and financial burden of care work. The framework of child care has persistently shifted the economic risk of the care economy onto providers themselves. And when I meet with these providers, I hear the same refrains. They are continuously being asked to do more. More training. More documentation. More educational attainment. More compliance. More quality measures. But nowhere in that conversation is there the same urgency around childcare subsidies that help lower-income families afford care, sustainability, or whether the people carrying the system can continue to survive under its weight.
In almost any other industry, experts would recognize this as an unsustainable business model. But child care has historically been cast as “women’s work,” making it easier for society to normalize low wages, unpaid labor, and impossible expectations.
But these changes don’t just affect providers. For families, when quality programs disappear, that lack of access can ripple through every part of their lives. Parents may experience higher absenteeism at work, lost wages, and ultimately even job loss when stable care is no longer available. When families become desperate to keep their jobs to meet basic needs, some may feel forced to place their children in unvetted child care settings, simply because it is the only care they can access or afford.
The welfare of children sits at the center of mandated health and safety requirements, higher education expectations, and increasingly stringent quality systems. Many of these goals are important. But too often, the system appears to be designed to sustain itself rather than to adequately meet the needs of families, providers, and children simultaneously.
What continues to hold this structure together are the caring hearts of providers and the belief that children deserve safe, nurturing environments. But passion cannot continue to subsidize public policy failures.
Childcare providers cannot continue carrying this burden alone. If America truly values children, then legislators must make the public investment to keep the system from collapsing.
Danielle Caldwell is an organizer, early childhood Education Consultant and advocate. She is also a Public Voices Fellow of The OpEd Project in partnership with the National Black Child Development Institute.
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Six Emerging Journalists Selected as 2026 Summer Fulcrum Fellows
May 29, 2026
The Fulcrum is proud to announce its six Summer 2026 Fulcrum Fellows, a cohort of emerging journalists who will participate in the organization’s 10‑week training program focused on solutions‑focused reporting and narrative complexity. The fellowship, which runs June 8–August 14, 2026, is part of The Fulcrum’s national NextGen initiative to expand opportunities for young reporters and strengthen journalism that moves beyond polarized storytelling.
The program—developed in partnership with the Latino News Network (LNN)—provides mentorship, newsroom experience, and publication opportunities for fellows committed to community‑centered reporting. The Fulcrum and LNN’s continued collaboration emphasizes elevating underrepresented voices and culturally nuanced storytelling.
Meet the 2026 Summer Fulcrum Fellows
Kazon Allen
Kazon Allen
Kazon Allen, a broadcast journalism student at Florida A&M University, said he hopes to grow into a more in‑depth storyteller with the power to inform the public and elevate voices that often go unheard. He explained that the Fulcrum Fellowship felt like a natural next step in his development as a journalist. “I applied to the fellowship to strengthen my journalism skills and continue growing as a storyteller. I’ve been studying communication and journalism from high school through college, and through this opportunity, I hope to advance my storytelling, gain new skills, and expand my opportunities as an upcoming journalist,” he said.
Shon Eric Hernandez
Shon Eric Hernandez
Shon Eric Hernandez, a journalism major at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, is interested in the intersections of media, politics, and entertainment. He said he is eager to deepen his understanding of solutions‑focused reporting—journalism that not only identifies problems but also examines how they can be addressed. “I want to move from critiquing media to practicing solutions‑focused reporting,” he said. “Through this experience, I hope to strengthen my investigative reporting, source‑building, and narrative skills so I can tell stories that critically examine problems and help readers become better informed and empowered.”
Daniela Mattson
Daniela Mattson
Daniela Mattson, a journalism student at the University of Southern California, said she is eager to grow through mentorship from The Fulcrum’s editorial team and to further strengthen her reporting grounded in accuracy and ethics. "Through the fellowship, I hope to build meaningful connections with fellow student journalists and professional mentors who will push the boundaries of my storytelling and encourage me to do my best work," she said. "I look forward to being part of a community of journalists who understand and value the importance of ethical and impactful storytelling.”
Isabel Papp
Isabel Papp
Isabel Papp, a student at Northwestern University majoring in both journalism and political science, is a bilingual reporter who described herself as an “equity‑minded” storyteller committed to amplifying underrepresented voices and bringing cultural nuance to coverage of Latino communities. “I believe experimenting with my approach to journalism is the way to achieve the most robust writing possible,” she said. “Journalism should help people, and solutions journalism is the next step toward that goal.”
Gabriela Quintero
Gabriela Quintero
Gabriela Quintero, an incoming freshman at Barnard College of Columbia University, said she believes that reporting on democracy is a way of helping to uphold it. “Learning from experts in politics will allow me to develop the skills necessary to pursue a professional career in journalism,” she said. “I hope to become a better reporter through the fellowship by working on stories I wouldn’t have had the opportunity to report on otherwise and by developing meaningful connections with young journalists across the country.”
Alexis Tamm
Alexis Tamm
Alexis Tamm, a recent graduate of Georgetown University, is passionate about multidimensional, human‑centered storytelling. She said she was drawn to The Fulcrum’s mission to counter divisive narratives and emphasized her commitment to producing journalism that challenges “us vs. them” mentalities and helps audiences better understand one another to spark meaningful change. “I'm excited to focus on solutions storytelling and to keep learning how to complicate the narrative and give voice to many different perspectives in my work," she said.
The fellows will receive training in op‑ed writing, climate‑solutions reporting in collaboration with the Solutions Journalism Network, and Complicating the Narrative techniques as core components of the fellowship curriculum.
The Fulcrum Fellowship continues to advance its mission of training journalists who can illuminate not only the challenges facing American democracy but also the solutions emerging across communities. The Fulcrum's Executive Editor and Publisher of the Latino News Network, Hugo Balta has described the program as one that empowers young reporters to tell “richer, more human stories” that move beyond one‑dimensional narratives.
“As the 2026 cohort begins its work this summer, these fellows will contribute reporting that expands the reach of their storytelling and strengthens journalism that informs, connects, and empowers communities,” Balta said.
Thanks in part to support from the Hortencia Zavala Foundation, the Fulcrum Fellowship will also host a Fall 2026 session. Applications will open later this summer, offering another opportunity to join the program’s growing national network of next‑generation civic storytellers.
“Growing the Fulcrum Fellowship from its inaugural session last summer to two full sessions this year is an exciting milestone for our newsroom” said David Nevins, publisher of The Fulcrum. “It reflects our commitment to expanding opportunities for emerging journalists and strengthening a pipeline of storytellers who are passionate about informing the public and elevating civic dialogue.”
Hugo Balta is an accredited Solutions Journalism and Complicating the Narratives trainer with the Solutions Journalism Network.
The Fulcrum is deeply committed to nurturing the next generation of journalists, investing in emerging reporters who are driven to produce ethical, solutions‑focused storytelling and strengthen civic understanding through their work.
The Latino News Network's mission is to provide greater visibility to Hispanics, Latinos through community‑centered reporting that provides culturally nuanced, solutions‑driven coverage for underserved audiences.
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Monique McClure is a single parent to four children, two of whom rely on Medicaid-funded school services.
Photo courtesy of Monique McClure
Medicaid Cuts Could Threaten Key Student Services at IL Schools
May 29, 2026
Medicaid-funded school services are a lifeline and financial necessity for Monique McClure, a single mother of four, and her two children with learning disabilities.
Trent and Trenity, McClure’s 9-year-old twins, participate in a range of Medicaid-funded programs at their respective schools in Belleville, including speech, occupational, and developmental therapies.
Without such services provided by the Southwestern Illinois school, which could be threatened due to legislative funding cuts to the Medicaid program, McClure said her family would face a significant financial strain.
“These things aren’t cheap,” she said. “Especially with having a child on the spectrum, a lot of stuff that he’s doing in school would be hard for me to cover as a single parent, for him to do it outside of school and without Medicaid.”
The McClures aren’t alone. In fact, Medicaid is the fourth largest funding stream for schools, and it contributes over $8 billion annually to cover health services for students with disabilities and Medicaid-enrolled general education students.
But, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed into law on July 4, is estimated to cut federal Medicaid spending by approximately $1 trillion over the next decade. While that doesn't directly target school Medicaid programs, the strain on state budgets could lead to a reduction in education funding, fewer covered services, and greater barriers for students maintaining Medicaid coverage, all of which could negatively impact school health services and student outcomes, according to education advocates.
“People don't realize that Medicaid really supports student success,” said Jessie Mandle, the National Program Director at Healthy Schools Campaign, a national nonprofit based in Chicago that aims to improve student wellbeing by creating healthier schools.
“If a kid is uninsured, and they don't have Medicaid, that leads to worse health but also poor academic outcomes,” she continued. “But Medicaid funding is so critical in schools to help schools support the success of all students. And I think that kind of foundational layer that Medicaid provides in schools is something that a lot of people don't realize.”
According to McClure, Medicaid-supported therapy has helped Trent — who attends Franklin Elementary, has Autism and was nonverbal from ages 2 to 7 — to build his vocabulary, find his voice, and gain independence through writing and completing daily tasks. It has also assisted Trenity at Westhaven Elementary, who had a speech delay and a stutter, to slow down, articulate clearly, and express herself confidently, McClure said.
“If Medicaid was cut, it would be hard for them to have the services to actually learn and grow, to be successful in everything that they're trying to be,” McClure said about her kids.
Illinois schools rely on Medicaid
A survey of school administrators and staff conducted in early 2025 showed that 64 percent of Illinois schools' Medicaid reimbursements increased in the last five years.
School leaders statewide said Medicaid reductions would force schools to pull from general education funds, hurting all students, not just those on Medicaid, according to responses to the survey conducted by HSC, which received 1,440 responses, 87 of which were from school and district leaders in Illinois.
Cuts would reduce the availability of social workers, counselors, and psychologists and also limit districts' ability to provide technology that assists student learning and professional development, potentially threatening student wellbeing and academic progress, school staff and administrators said.
According to the National Alliance on Mental Health, more than one in seven U.S. students between the ages of 6 and 17 experience a mental health disorder each year. It is “irresponsible” to cut student health services during a youth “mental health crisis,” said Lena O’Rourke, founder of O’Rourke Health Policy Strategies and HSC’s school Medicaid consultant. This widely documented surge in mental health disorders among adolescents has been characterized by increasing rates of anxiety, depression and suicidal thoughts, and it is driven by numerous factors, including but not limited to the COVID-19 pandemic, social media and academic stress.
a widely documented surge in mental health disorders among adolescents, characterized by escalating rates of anxiety, depression, and suicidality. Driven by complex factors like the COVID-19 pandemic, social media, and academic stress, it has prompted national health emergencies across the globe.
“It is a short term and long term bad policy choice to do this,” she said during the February How to Protect Student Health & School Medicaid in Your State webinar.
Mandle said the survey gathered strong responses from rural districts, which would be especially impacted by potential Medicaid cuts because schools are often the primary and most accessible source of healthcare for students in those communities because long travel distances make it difficult for families to reach outside medical care. If Medicaid cuts reduce schools' ability to provide health services, rural students will have far fewer alternatives to turn to compared to their urban or suburban peers, she said.
“The cuts will be catastrophic to our students and diminish services to our most vulnerable students,” said a school business official at one rural Illinois district in response to the HSC survey.
Pulling all the levers
Since no direct cuts to school-based services have occurred yet, schools will not feel the immediate impacts of federal Medicaid cuts, but as states work to fill massive budget gaps over time, they will need to pull from other budgets, and schools will be part of that “ripple” effect, Mandle said.
“That's going to have an effect on the general fund overall, which could have an effect on education funding, which will then have an effect on school districts,” she said.
For districts that are already navigating financial difficulties – such as the state’s largest, Chicago Public Schools – this could add another stress to an already tight budget. CPS currently carries a nearly $10 billion debt and operates with a $734 million budget deficit due to declining enrollment and the end of federal COVID relief funding.
In order to mitigate impacts, Mandle said school districts should actively maximize Medicaid dollars. She suggested leveraging Medicaid to reimburse salaries for school nurses and psychologists or the services they provide.
“If they are kind of pulling all the levers they can now, they can bring more federal Medicaid dollars into their school district now to help buffer the impact of cuts in other areas,” she said.
Mary Ellen Ritter is a graduate student journalist in Medill's Chicago Investigative Lab and an education reporting fellow at Northwestern University. She previously served as a FOIA extern at The Chicago Reporter as well as an education reporter at The Daytona Beach News-Journal, where she covered about 76,000 students, nearly 10,000 employees and almost 100 K-12 schools in Florida’s Volusia and Flagler counties. Ritter has also worked for the Minnesota Star Tribune, Minnesota Daily, Los Angeles Magazine, Mpls.St.Paul Magazine, Minnesota Public Radio and Milwaukee Magazine. She grew up in Wisconsin and studied journalism and graphic design at the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities.
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Activists march across Edmund Pettus Bridge on May 16, 2026 in Selma, Alabama.
Jason Davis / Getty Images
Racism & MAGA-Gerrymandering—Combating the Noxious Mix
May 28, 2026
There is an old saying: If anyone insists something definitely is not about money; it is definitely about money. The Supreme Court’s right-wing majority claims that its recent election districting rulings are not about abetting racism or siding with MAGA politics, but they are definitely about both.
The Court’s recent Louisiana v. Callais decision cynically demands that anyone challenging election districts as violating the Voting Rights Act must “disentangle race from politics” and show that intentional racial discrimination, rather than politics, was the motivator when minority communities are divided and segments are placed into majority white districts.
Race and politics have been inextricably entwined since this country was founded, and they continue to be. Disentanglement is impossible, and demonstrating intentional racial discrimination rather than discriminatory impact is almost impossible. The Court’s new requirements are like multiplying 0 times 0.001; that provides a zero chance of prevailing.
Practically speaking, now if a state - or local - legislature claims that it split up concentrations of African American, Latino, Native American, Asian or other minority residents to make election districts that maximize a party’s electoral advantage or ensure an incumbent’s reelection, that allows the abridgment of the minority population’s ability to elect representatives of their choice.
That’s a true Devil’s Cocktail: Pour political partisanship together with racial discrimination and: Presto, racism allegedly disappears. And, there is more to the mix.
The Court further decloaked its favor for MAGA political advantage by scampering to put the Callais ruling to immediate effect, rather than allowing the normal period for that. The consequence of its rush was Louisiana - under the immediate spurious “emergency” order of its governor - halted early primary voting so that the state could eliminate one of its two congressional districts held by an African American.
Several Southern states quickly started uprooting their electoral processes to eliminate so-called minority opportunity congressional districts to gain MAGA political advantage. It is estimated that one-third of Congressional Black Caucus’ members may be forced out of Congress in the wake of the Callais ruling, and it will have dramatic consequences as state and local election districts are redrawn.
Added to that, immediately after its Callais ruling the Court approved a shadow docket petition to fast track Alabama implementing a congressional district map declared discriminatory by the Court in 2023, sending the case back to the lower federal court to consider in light of the Callais ruling. On May 25, the federal district court blocked use of the 2023 map, stating that it is “tainted by intentional race-based discrimination”. Another shadow docket “emergency” appeal will likely put the map - and the question of whether racism can be demonstrated - before the Supreme Court in the weeks ahead.
It’s an understatement to say that the immediate impact of the Court’s Callais ruling is confusion, if not a chaotic primary period, for candidates, election administrators and voters. In some of the affected states filing deadlines had passed, ballots composition was set, and in one case ballots were cast.
That all defies the Supreme Court’s “rule” that courts not issue decisions so close to elections as to cause such confusion - the so-called Purcell Principle, from its 2006 case Purcell v. Gonzallez. The uneven history of applying the Purcell Principle has often disadvantaged minority voters, but the Callais ruling demolished the principle altogether.
At base, the Callais decision has to be taken together with Shelby County, Alabama v. Holder, decided in 2013, and the lesser known 2021 holding in Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee. In combination, those rulings knocked out the viability of the VRA. The false premise of those decisions is that VRA tests for racial discrimination became outdated due to dramatic social progress.
While the Callais decision eviscerated the protections against racial discrimination in drawing election districts, Brnovich gutted VRA challenges to discriminatory barriers against voting. The Shelby decision decimated sections of the VRA that prevented jurisdictions with flagrant histories of racial discrimination in elections from making changes to voting laws and procedures without preclearance from the US Justice Department or the federal district court in Washington, DC.
A remaining element of the not yet fully buried VRA concerns the power of private individuals and organizations to lodge cases under it. That practice, which is responsible for the majority of VRA cases, was negated by the US Eighth Circuit Court of Appeal in its 2023 Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians v. Howe ruling. On May 18, the Supreme Court vacated that ruling and, rather than reversing it as Justice Jackson called for in her dissent, sent the case back to the 8th Circuit to consider in light of Callais. If the 8th Circuit’s radical view were to prevail only the US Justice Department could bring VRA cases, and that Department is now firmly under MAGA control.
The systematic destruction of the VRA is an historic setback. It echoes the destruction of the political progress of post-Civil War Reconstruction, while abrogating gains of the Civil Rights Movement. Combatting the MAGA attack against civil rights and democracy requires connecting with the historic movements that fought racism and advanced American democracy.
On Saturday, May 16, thousands demonstrated in Selma and Montgomery, Alabama, standing against MAGA-Gerrymandering and the broader push against minority rights and democracy. The demonstration, attended by civil rights, religious and other leaders, kicked off the All Roads Lead to the South campaign, which among other things is targeting five southern state legislatures where current electoral maps are being shredded. And, the NAACP’s new Out of Bounds Campaign is calling on Black athletes and their supporters to boycott public universities in states that change maps to diminish African American voting rights and representation.
Dynamic and creative campaigns are needed, applying the energy and lessons of 1964’s Freedom Summer, across the South and more widely to counter the effects of voter suppression, map-rigging, and MAGA organizing. Like Freedom Summer, the effort must be multifaceted and sustained over a long run. And, a lesson of Freedom Summer and every democracy movement is that to be successful a broad coalition, converging various popular interests, is needed.
We will need civil rights, immigration rights, interfaith, labor, women’s, LGBTQ+, legal, and other organizations to raise the demand for voting rights and trustworthy elections to secure honest outcomes in 2026 and beyond. Possibilities for Supreme Court reform, renewing the VRA, passing state VRAs, and addressing other urgent issues depend on that. Groups and candidates that support democracy must reach out broadly and enlist large numbers of people in electoral defense actions if that is to happen.
May the Court’s VRA decisions cause a powerful counter reaction, stimulating an overwhelming response against racism and MAGA domination. We all have a responsibility to help make that so.
Pat Merloe provides strategic advice to groups focused on democracy and trustworthy elections in the U.S. and internationally.Keep ReadingShow less
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