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Ohio purge ends with most culled because they haven't voted

Ohio Secretary of State Frank LaRose

Secretary of State Frank LaRose described the culling of non-voters from the registration files as an enormous housekeeping victory.

Justin Merriman/Getty Images

The controversial culling of Ohio's voter rolls ended this week after the deletion of another 182,000 registrations, or 2 percent of the statewide total, in one of the nation's biggest electoral bellwethers. Most were purged only because they haven't voted in six years.

The process began three years ago with the targeting of 6 percent of the entries in the records. About half of those were removed in an initial round, in January, after a series of legal fights. The second round has gained new scrutiny because the state's 8 million voters will be courted intensely by both presidential campaigns. No Republican has ever won the White House without Ohio, which has 18 electoral votes.


Secretary of State Frank LaRose, a Republican, has emphasized an enormous housekeeping victory with the removal of duplicate registrations, the dead and people who have moved without telling the Postal Service.

But the Columbus Dispatch reports that, in the round that ended with September's close, seven out of every eight of the people purged were removed because they had not voted in at least half a dozen years. The newspaper's study was based on records from almost all 88 counties with the notable exception of Cuyahoga, the heart of the Cleveland metro area.

Under a state law, upheld by the Supreme Court last year, non-voter purges are automatic unless individuals ask to stay on the rolls when the state informs them they're about to be dropped.

After The Dispatch and voting rights groups unearthed problems with the lists of voters who received those notices, LaRose required every county board of elections to report the names and reasons for every purge. He also told them to retain people who moved within a county. In addition, under a lawsuit settlement, any purged voter may cast a provisional ballot in their last county of record.

Registered voters can check the state's database to see if their registrations were among those purged. They can re-register to vote for the November election before Oct. 7 at olvr.ohiosos.gov or at their local board of elections.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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