The Supreme Court on Thursday dealt dual blows to voting rights and election transparency advocates.
In its final two opinions of the term, the court upheld two restrictive voting laws in Arizona and struck down a nonprofit donor disclosure rule in California. In both decisions, the justices ruled 6-3, along ideological lines.
Good-government groups decried both rulings, expressing concern over the larger implications they could have moving forward. The court's ruling in the Arizona case could make it harder to challenge potentially discriminatory voting rules, and eliminating California's donor disclosure rule could make it harder for the state to prevent fraud.
Voting rights
In Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee, the Supreme Court reversed a lower court ruling. The majority determined Arizona's laws limiting who can return ballots for another person and disqualifying ballots cast in the wrong precinct were not racially discriminatory.
The case took into consideration Section 2 of the 1965 Voting Right Act, a key provision that prevents voting practices or procedures that discriminate against minority groups. Voting rights advocates argued Arizona's laws banning third-party ballot collection — or what critics call "ballot harvesting" — and discarding ballots cast at the wrong precinct disproportionately affected Black, Hispanic and Native American voters.
Justice Samuel Alito, writing for the majority, stated that voters should expect to face some minor obstacles.
"Voting takes time and, for almost everyone, some travel, even if only to a nearby mailbox. Casting a vote, whether by following the directions for using a voting machine or completing a paper ballot, requires compliance with certain rules. But because voting necessarily requires some effort and compliance with some rules, the concept of a voting system that is 'equally open' and that furnishes an equal 'opportunity' to cast a ballot must tolerate the 'usual burdens of voting.'"
But, Alito wrote, certain "guideposts" should be taken into consideration, such as the size of the burden imposed by a challenged voting rule, the degree to which a voting rule departs from standard practice, the disparate impact a rule has on minority voters and the opportunities for voting provided by a state's entire voting system.
Alito also wrote that it was important to take into consideration the state's interests served by any voting rule in question. "One strong and entirely legitimate state interest is the prevention of fraud," he wrote.
Following the 2020 election, Republican state lawmakers have been pushing for stricter voting rules that they say will bolster election security and deter voter fraud, despite no widespread evidence of such malfeasance last year.
Republican National Committee Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel said in a statement that she saw this ruling as a "resounding victory for election integrity and the rule of law."
In the dissenting opinion, Justice Elena Kagan did not mince words, opining that the majority "writes its own set of rules," and that this decision undermines Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.
"This is not how the Court is supposed to interpret and apply statutes. But that ordinary critique woefully undersells the problem," she wrote. "What is tragic here is that the Court has (yet again) rewritten — in order to weaken — a statute that stands as a monument to America's greatness, and protects against its basest impulses. What is tragic is that the Court has damaged a statute designed to bring about 'the end of discrimination in voting.'"
Good-government groups also blasted the ruling, saying it will make challenging and litigating other potentially discriminatory voting laws much more difficult.
"The justices stopped short of eviscerating the Voting Rights Act, but nevertheless did significant damage to this vital civil rights law and to the freedom to vote," Sean Morales-Doyle, acting director of the voting rights and elections program at the Brennan Center for Justice, said.
Damon Hewitt, president and executive director of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, said Thursday was "a shameful day, and a troubling one for voting rights."
"When the Supreme Court dismantled the preclearance provision of the Voting Rights Act eight years ago, it cited as part of its rationale that provisions of Section 2 of the Act were still available to protect voters," he said. "Now, the court has undercut the effectiveness of that important law."
RepresentUs CEO Josh Silver said this ruling emphasizes the need for congressional action: "The steady chipping away of voter protections underscores the urgent need for the national voting standards in the For the People Act."
Nonprofit donor disclosure
In Americans for Prosperity Foundation v. Bonta, the Supreme Court struck down California's law requiring charitable nonprofits to privately report the names and addresses of major donors to the state attorney general.
California argued its confidential disclosure requirement — which is similar to federal tax forms charities must send to the IRS — helped the state combat fraud and misuse of charitable contributions. The state has required such disclosure since 2010.
But the court's conservative majority sided with the two nonprofits that challenged the rule for violating the First Amendment. The Americans for Prosperity Foundation, founded by influential GOP megadonors Charles and David Koch, and the Thomas More Law Center, a conservative Catholic legal group, argued their donors could face potential harassment from the public because in the past California has failed to keep certain donor records private.
Chief Justice John Roberts wrote in the majority opinion that there is a "dramatic mismatch" between California's interest in preventing fraud and the sensitive donor information required to do so.
"The upshot is that California casts a dragnet for sensitive donor information from tens of thousands of charities each year, even though that information will become relevant in only a small number of cases involving filed complaints," Roberts wrote.
But the court's three liberal justices warned about the lasting implications of this ruling.
"Today's analysis marks reporting and disclosure requirements with a bull's-eye. Regulated entities who wish to avoid their obligations can do so by vaguely waving toward First Amendment 'privacy concerns,'" Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote in the dissenting opinion.
While this case is about the reporting rules for charities and other tax-exempt organizations, good-government advocates were concerned this case could open the door for successful challenges to campaign finance transparency rules — or to the disclosure requirements for the millionaires, businesses and advocacy groups that spend exorbitant amounts to influence elections.
And while the justices did not call campaign finance disclosure into question with this ruling, the Campaign Legal Center said in a statement that the decision still "needlessly brushes aside precedent in favor of wealthy special interests — expanding an exemption originally reserved for marginalized groups to seven-figure donors hoping to insulate themselves from public criticism."




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.