FMC, the Association of Former Members of Congress is a bipartisan, nonprofit, voluntary alliance of former United States Senators and Representatives, standing for America's Constitutional system. FMC works to strengthen the Congress in the conduct of its Constitutional responsibility through promoting a collaborative approach to policy making. FMC seeks to deepen the understanding of our democratic system, domestically and internationally, and to engage the citizenry through civic education about Congress and public service. The United States Association of Former Members of Congress (FMC) utilizes the unique skill sets of its 600 members to provide pro bono public service programs and initiatives both at home and abroad. Today, FMC is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, educational, research and social organization with approximately 600 members who represented American citizens in both the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives.
Search
Top Stories
Latest news
Read More
Recommended
When Insisting on “Neutrality” Becomes a Gag Order
The University of Florida — my own alma mater — is one of those schools where institutional neutrality is being used to squelch far more than just the voice of the university and its top leadership. UF’s rule bars a deeper layer of campus “leaders” — including department chairs, program directors, and faculty administrators — from making statements that top-level administrators could interpret as political, even when those statements arise from professional expertise rather than any official university role. It’s one thing for a university president to refrain from endorsing candidates. It’s another to tell the head of an athletic program that advocating for Title IX protections is now too “political,” or to punish a department chair for defending the integrity of their curriculum.
Those examples aren’t hypothetical — this kind of speech has long been part of UF’s identity. In 2002, UF Athletic Director Jeremy Foley publicly defended the university’s commitment to women’s athletics at a time when some sought to scale back Title IX enforcement. He called gender equity in sports “the biggest dilemma facing us” and made clear UF would expand opportunities rather than shrink them. That stance was political and principled — and it strengthened the university.
A decade later, Dr. Paul Ortiz, director of UF’s Samuel Proctor Oral History Program, spoke out when political pressure threatened to limit how UF faculty could teach subjects such as race, inequality, and Florida’s contested histories. As faculty union president, he warned that outside influence was already narrowing what scholars could say in the classroom. His remarks were pointed and public — exactly the kind of intellectual honesty universities depend on.
Under UF’s definition of “neutrality,” both of these statements would be forbidden. Foley and Ortiz were not issuing university proclamations; they were exercising the civic and professional responsibility their roles demand. Silencing voices like theirs doesn’t make a university neutral. It makes it timid — and turns an institution into a place unwilling to let its own experts speak.
This policy arrives at a moment when independent internal voices at UF matter more than ever. Over the past year, the university’s presidential search became a political spectacle. Former U.S. Senator Ben Sasse resigned abruptly as university president. University of Michigan President Santa Ono was then unanimously approved by the Board of Trustees to become UF’s next president — only to have the appointment blocked when the state’s Board of Governors refused to confirm him after grilling him over DEI programs at Michigan. UF has since hired Donald Landry on an interim basis, under a contract that ties key elements of the role to Tallahassee’s culture-war priorities. When key variables in a university’s leadership are explicitly aligned with political priorities, restricting internal voices removes a critical check on power.
Contrast UF’s approach with how other major universities have handled institutional neutrality. At the University of Wisconsin–Madison, the policy is narrowly defined: the institution refrains from partisan political statements, but it does not police the speech of department chairs, program directors, or faculty leaders acting as individuals. Harvard and other institutions have taken a similar approach, limiting neutrality to official university communications rather than the voices of scholars and academic leaders. The institution stays neutral; the people who make the institution excellent remain free to speak.
That is the correct balance. UF’s approach is not.
Universities nationwide are grappling with how to remain institutionally neutral without suppressing academic freedom. The choices being made now will determine whether neutrality serves as a guardrail for public trust or a mechanism for enforced silence.
Florida’s political environment makes the consequences especially stark. Higher education in the state is already under pressure from sweeping legislation affecting academic freedom, admissions, curricula, and hiring.
As a UF graduate, I want my alma mater to model intellectual courage, not fear. A university can function without political statements from its president. It cannot function if the people responsible for teaching, research, and student advocacy are told their expertise is too risky to share.
Neutrality, in its honest form, protects institutional trust. But used as it is at UF — and increasingly elsewhere — neutrality becomes a gag order.
And if this shift stands, the silence won’t reflect restraint at all. It will reflect the cost of speaking the truth in institutions that once existed to protect it.
Brent McKenzie is a writer and educator based in the United States. He is the creator of Idiots & Charlatans, a watchdog-style website focused on democratic values and climate change. He previously taught in Brussels and has spent the majority of his professional career in educational publishing.
26 Lessons for 2026 - Part II
14. Recognize – and Respect – the Role of Everyone in that Big Tent (The 3Ts: Time, Talent, Treasure)
15. Stop Demanding Ideological Purity Already!
16. Embrace the Ripple Effect of Small Actions
17. Research Matters, But Be Data-Informed, Not Data-Driven
18. Change Doesn’t Happen Overnight. It Requires Long-Term Investment. (Philanthropy Part 1)
19. Democracy Work is More Than Elections (Philanthropy Part 2)
20. Real Risk Requires Funding Safety & Protection (Philanthropy Part 3)
21. People Live Local. So, Fund Local Connection & Capacity (Philanthropy Part 4)
22. Communities Know What They Need. Trust the Messiness.
23. Keep Experts on Tap, Not on Top
24. Joy is a Civic Tool!
25. Recognize the Role of Art in Civic Connection
26. Stories and Narrative Shape How We Understand the World - and Our Role in it.
This list isn’t short.
It may be fair to sum it up by saying embrace your power. Whether as a citizen, a funder, a communications professional, an expert or any other role, be real, talk to real people, collaborate for real solutions (not to feed your ego), embrace the fact that you don’t know exactly how every meeting, every project, and every campaign will go - democracy truly is an experiment.
26 Lessons for 2026 - Part II was originally published by Stories Change Power and is republished with permission.