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The state of voting: July 18, 2022

State of voting - election law changes
The state of voting: July 11, 2022
The state of voting: July 11, 2022

This weekly update summarizing legislative activity affecting voting and elections is powered by the Voting Rights Lab. Sign up for VRL’s weekly newsletter here.

The Voting Rights Lab is tracking 2,185 bills so far this session, with 579 bills that tighten the rules governing voter access or election administration and 1,041 bills that expand the rules.

Both New Hampshire and Pennsylvania created new avenues to criminalize the actions of election officials last week, and newly filed Wisconsin litigation seeks to force election officials to reject mail ballots cast by eligible voters due to minor omissions by a voter’s witness.

Meanwhile, in North Carolina a federal court decision gave voters with disabilities more flexibility in finding assistance, and the governor signed a budget bill that will fund the state’s membership in ERIC, a database that helps states maintain accurate voter lists. Also, California lawmakers sent a bill to the governor that would provide better transparency around signature verification.

Here are the details:


A federal judge blocked a North Carolina law that restricted assistance for voters with disabilities, and the governor signed a budget bill that includes funding for North Carolina to join ERIC for one year. A federal judge found that a state law violated the Voting Rights Act because it prohibited people living in facilities such as nursing homes, hospitals and clinics from relying on employees of those facilities for help in applying for, completing and returning mail ballots. The law only allowed voters to receive assistance from a close relative or legal guardian; following the court’s permanent injunction, North Carolina voters with disabilities will be able to receive assistance from anyone they choose.

Meanwhile, Gov. Roy Cooper signed H.B. 103, which provides funding for North Carolina to join the Electronic Registration Information Center, which houses a database used by 31 other states and Washington, D.C., to maintain accurate voter lists. While the budget bill provides funding for North Carolina to join ERIC, it only funds the state’s membership for one year rather than annually. The bill also requires that the State Board of Elections seek the legislature’s approval prior to making any changes to election policies or procedures if required for ERIC membership, which may limit the board’s ability to use the database.

New Hampshire enacts laws criminalizing election officials for good-faith conduct. Gov. Chris Sununu signed H.B. 1567, legislation that removes the attorney general’s discretion when it comes to election law – and instead requires the office to investigate all alleged misconduct by election officials. When applied in conjunction with another bill enacted during the 2022 legislative session ( S.B. 418) this could result in the prosecution of election officials for good-faith execution of their responsibilities. S.B. 418 further creates a potentially unworkable administrative timeline that may cause election officials to miss deadlines for mailing out ballots to active military voters in 2024.

Pennsylvania creates new criminal penalties for election officials and prohibits private funding of elections – but also provides new public funding. Last Monday, Gov. Tom Wolf signed a law that prohibits private funding of elections and enforces the prohibition with new criminal penalties for election officials who violate it. Notably, however, the new law allows the private donation of voting locations and volunteer services to continue. It also creates a grant program to provide public funding if counties commit to following certain election procedures, such as early processing of mail ballots.

New Wisconsin litigation seeks to reject mail ballots cast by eligible voters due to minor omissions by a voter’s witness. A new lawsuit seeks to force election officials to reject the ballots of eligible Wisconsin voters over minor omissions, such as a missing ZIP code for their witness. Wisconsin is one of a small number of states that requires voters to fill out their mail ballots in front of a witness. After the voter puts the ballot in the certificate envelope and signs and seals it, the witness must also sign and put their address on the certificate envelope. In accordance with guidance issued by the Wisconsin Election Commission in 2016, election officials may fill in missing witness address information in certain circumstances. If this litigation is successful, they will be prohibited from doing so in future elections, and will instead be required to reject mail ballots that are missing any witness address information. This new litigation comes on the heels of a Wisconsin Supreme Court decision issued last week that overruled previous WEC guidance and prohibited drop boxes.

California sends a bill to the governor that provides greater transparency to the signature verification process. The California Legislature sent A.B. 1619 to the governor’s desk, a bill that would ensure voters are informed when they register to vote that the signature they provide during the registration process will be used to validate the signature on their mail ballot.

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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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