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Where are our followers?
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Molineaux is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and president/CEO of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.

How would you describe the constituency of healthy self-governance? It should be all of us, right? Those of us who are crazy in love with the process of democracy may not be the popular kids we think we should be.


For a democratic republic like ours in the United States to function and survive we need citizens to be involved; and involved means more than just voting. Yet deep into my career in the strengthening democratic values and norms movement, I’ve come to realize far too few citizens are standing up for the practices and principles of democracy; leaning into respectful deliberation for nuanced and best-possible solutions.

Or perhaps there are more of us than we realize, but we don’t recognize them? Are they the exhausted majority? The radical centrists? The moderates? Yes.

Recent polling from Gallup shows 37% of Americans are self-declared moderates. That’s more than self-declared conservatives (36%) or liberals (25%). Citizen Data has done a deeper dive, asking just who these moderates are. Of these self-declared moderates, their research shows that 45% show no preference for the Democrat or Republican parties. Are they the constituents our democracy movement needs?

I am pleasantly surprised that as more people have what I light-heartedly refer to as “an awakening,” and become involved, the number of ideas to fix our democratic republic is increasing exponentially. Getting people to take that first step is a critical part of the process. Once they become interested, it’s more likely they will be excited about what they can do. My own “awakening “ was 20 years ago. I found colleagues who welcomed me, encouraged me and helped me grow. It’s my pleasure to welcome and mentor others now.

When these new constituents show up, they are most likely a self-proclaimed leader, or occasionally an executive volunteer. We’ve had very few people approach us who want to be worker bee volunteers, wanting to be part of the movement and willing to do whatever they are asked.

The needs we have from constituents are varied and honestly that’s a great thing. Some people just want to develop relationships with people different from themselves to impact their local neighborhood, some people want to lobby their members of Congress, and some people just want to review legislation and contact elected officials. We’re dedicated to helping Americans find their path, a path that fits into their schedules and their preferences. Anyone can do something but too few sign up. Perhaps they feel they are risking their social capital to do so?

While pondering all of this, I’ve come to realize that none of my friends from 20 years ago are still close friends. I became a different person and we drifted apart. It was emotionally lonely until I found my new friends and support for my new sense of purpose. “Good luck with that” is the common refrain I hear from people who seem unwilling to use their agency as a citizen for positive change.

When citizens fail to become involved, the elites of academic, business, and think tanks begin their work to organize it for us citizens, and with good intentions in service to all. They seek a strategy to determine which ideas are worthy of funding; which organizations will become institutions for democracy. However, by not being involved we citizens are abdicating our voice and placing our power in the hands of a few well-intentioned people who are tasked to spend their dollars as wisely as they can. Often they didn’t ask to make these decisions. But here we are, nonetheless. The solopreneurs who I welcome into the movement will be left to fund their own ideas.

As more and more folks awaken to the risk our nation and world we are in, who will show up to follow the many self-designated leaders?

I’m reminded of Terry Pratchett’s book, “Small Gods.” In his acerbic, satirical way, Pratchett’s Discworld, a fictional world, assigns power to the panoply of gods according to their follower count. Given that this was written in 1992, before social media existed, I find it ironic in a very dark way.

Today, we have many leaders focused on the nation or world at large, missing the pain in their own lives and in their own neighborhoods. Remember the saying “all politics is local?” And if we really want to get local; what if the real work is in our own family? In our own backyard and on our own block? In the dorm? Or at work? I have long held that the solution we each seek will follow a fractal pattern. We are near discovering similar and self-replicating patterns of behavior and activity at small and large scales.

I’m excited by the thought that the fractal pattern we (or just me, the fractal nerd) seek isn’t a new strategic plan, but an act of kindness. AOKMaine is testing this theory out; attempting to shift the underlying tone in the many small and rural towns throughout Maine. What can you do? Hand a coffee to the homeless person you pass on your way to work? Help out a neighbor who needs their lawn mowed?

Crazy idea—some may say a bit idealistic. What if caring about each other is the solution? What if the reality is there will be no single leader in our democratic future. What if we just worked toward a community of equals, where we take turns leading one day and following the next.


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In the U.S., nuclear plants represent less than one percent of power stations. Despite only having 94 of them, American nuclear power plants produce nearly 20 percent of all the country’s electricity. Nuclear reactors generate enough electricity to power over 70 million homes a year, which is equivalent to about 18 percent of the electricity grid. Furthermore, its ability to withstand extreme weather conditions is vital to its longevity in the face of rising climate change-related weather events. However, certain concerns remain regarding the history of nuclear accidents, the multi-billion dollar cost of nuclear power plants, and how long they take to build.

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The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

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The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

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