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College campuses can be the staging ground for a democratic revitalization

Opinion

College student voting

College students arrive to vote at Appalachian State University during the 2020 general election.

Brian Blanco/Getty Images

Unger is co-founder and executive director of the Students Learn Students Vote Coalition.

On July 11, Sen. Elizabeth Warren and Rep. Nikema Williams introduced the Youth Voting Rights Act, which if enacted would be perhaps the most significant expansion of voting access for young people in more than 50 years. It’s the second major action intended to make voting easier for young people, including and especially college students, in just the past few months, following an April Dear Colleague letter from the Department of Education to every college campus in the United States reminding them of their obligation under the Higher Education Act to conduct voter registration efforts at their institutions.

To be clear, both actions were taken separately, by different public officials in different branches of the federal government. But their proximity in timing is no coincidence. There is a burgeoning student vote movement on college campuses throughout the country – one that could help revitalize U.S. democracy. And national leaders are beginning to notice.


It used to be seen as gospel that college students don’t vote. That narrative simply isn’t true anymore. During the last two presidential elections, the college student voting rate grew from 52 percent to a record-breaking 66 percent, virtually matching the general population’s sky-high turnout while growing by 14 points – twice as much as overall turnout growth. During the last two midterms, the student voting rate more than doubled – from 19 percent in 2014 to 40 percent in 2018. And polling indicates a similar turnout rate is likely in 2022.

Perhaps even more encouraging is the rising institutional support that is necessary to ensure these gains are sustainable. As of this week a record 413 college and university presidents have signed the ALL IN Campus Democracy Challenge’s Presidents’ Commitment, a pledge to strive for 100 percent registration and turnout rates among eligible student voters at their institutions. And in 2020, nearly 1,200 campuses (also a record) participated in the National Study of Learning, Voting, and Engagement, a study performed by Tufts University’s Institute for Democracy & Higher Education that provides an in-depth look into student voting behavior at the campus level.

The Dear Colleague letter and introduction of the YVRA – which would, among other things, require public colleges and universities to provide voter registration services, guarantee that student IDs are accepted as voter IDs where required, and require public colleges and universities to set up a polling place for all federal elections – will fuel this movement further. But its potential benefit to our democracy goes beyond voter participation.

From protesting for civil rights and against the Vietnam War in the 1960s and 1970s to anti-apartheid protests in the 1980s, college campuses have long been home to movements through which young people have helped elevate issues on the national stage. In 2022, with our country’s democratic values and institutions backsliding, democracy itself could use a similar jolt of energy from the communities that house millions of our youngest voters.

That’s why it’s vital that leaders, both national and local, seeking to support the rising student vote movement view voter participation as the start – and not the end result – of a deeper renewal of the civic values and practices that sustain democracy over the long term. The same elements that often make college campuses the center of protest movements – shared spaces that encourage social interaction, a common identity and the exchange of ideas – make them ideal places to foster a culture of active civic engagement, civil discourse across differences, and inclusivity.

At minimum doing so would help ensure institutions of higher learning help produce more informed and engaged participants in our democracy, especially among first-time voters, for whom the voting process is frequently habit-forming for life. But if history is any indication, widespread student movements are capable of impacting the rest of the country.

For a country in sore need of a democratic revitalization, college campuses are a great place to start.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
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The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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