Pearl, the author of “ ChatGPT, MD,” teaches at both the Stanford University School of Medicine and the Stanford Graduate School of Business. He is a former CEO of The Permanente Medical Group.
With a single ruling, the Federal Trade Commission removed the nation’s occupational handcuffs, freeing almost all U.S. workers from noncompete clauses that prevent them from taking positions with competitors for varying periods of time after leaving a job.
American medicine, especially, will benefit. The FTC projects the new rule will boost medical wages, foster greater competition, stimulate job creation and reduce health expenditures by $74 billion to $194 billion over the next decade. This comes at a crucial time for American health care, an industry where half of physicians report burnout and 100 million people (41 percent of U.S. adults) are saddled with medical bills they cannot afford.
The FTC’s final rule, issued in April, liberates not only new hires but also the 30 million Americans currently tethered to noncompete agreements. Scheduled to take effect in September — subject to legal challenges by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and other business groups — the ruling will allow health care professionals to change jobs within the community rather than having to move 10, 20 or even 50 miles away to avoid breaching a noncompete clause.
Like all major rulings, this one creates clear winners and losers — outcomes that will reshape careers and potentially alter the very structure of U.S. health care.
Winners: Newly trained clinicians
Undoubtedly, the FTC’s ruling is a win for younger doctors and nurses, many of whom enter the medical job market in their late 20s and early 30s, carrying significant student-loan debt — nearly $200,000 for the average doctor.
Eager for a stable, well-paying position, young professionals join hospitals and health systems with the promise of future salary increases and more autonomy. But when these promises fail to materialize, noncompete clauses give clinicians little choice but to uproot their lives, move far away and start over. As one physician in rural Appalachia told the FTC, “Healthcare providers feel trapped in their current employment situation, leading to significant burnout that can shorten their career longevity.”
By banning noncompetes, the FTC’s rule will boost career mobility, spurring competition among health care employers to attract and, more importantly, retain top talent.
Currently, the rule comes with one notable asterisk: Nonprofit hospitals and health systems fall outside the FTC’s jurisdiction. However, the agency says these facilities might be at “a self-inflicted disadvantage in their ability to recruit workers.” Moreover, as Congress intensifies scrutiny on the nonprofit status of U.S. hospitals, those that reject the FTC’s guidelines may find themselves forced to comply through legislative actions.
Winners: Patients in competitive health care markets
The FTC’s ban on noncompete clauses will directly improve patient outcomes. For example, doctors and nurses who experience less burnout and greater job satisfaction are far less likely to make serious medical errors, studies show.
Further, clinicians who are now free to practice elsewhere in the community are likely to offer greater access, lower prices and more personalized service to attract and retain patients. Other doctors and nurses will join local outpatient centers, offering convenient and cost-effective alternatives to the high-priced diagnostic tests, surgeries and urgent care provided at nearby hospitals.
Losers: Large health systems
Made up of several hospitals in a geographic area, large health systems have traditionally relied on noncompete agreements to build market dominance. By preventing high-demand medical professionals such as radiologists and anesthesiologists from joining with competitors or starting independent practices, these health systems have managed to suppress competition while forcing insurers to pay more for services.
Currently, these systems demand high reimbursement rates from government and business payers. At the same time, they maintain relatively low wages for staff, creating a highly profitable model. Yale economist Zack Cooper’s research shows the consequence of the status quo: In highly concentrated hospital markets, prices go up and quality declines.
The FTC’s ruling will challenge those conditions, eroding health-system monopolies and shrinking their oversized bottom lines.
Losers: Hospital administrators
Individual hospitals have faced a unique challenge this past decade. Inpatient numbers continue falling nationwide, which makes it harder for hospital administrators to fill beds. This trend — driven by new technologies, evidence-based practices and changing insurance-reimbursement policies — have forced hospital administrators to adapt their financial strategies.
And adapt they did. Today, outpatient services account for half of all hospital revenue, reflecting aggressive acquisitions of local practices that offer physician consultations, procedures like radiological and cardiac diagnostics, chemotherapy, and same-day surgery.
Medicare and other insurers pay hospital-owned outpatient services more than local doctors and other facilities for identical services. By acquiring community outpatient practices, hospitals are paid higher rates without facing higher costs, thus generating large profits.
This strategy only works, however, if hospital administrators can prevent clinicians from quitting and returning to practice in the same community. If they do, their patients are likely to follow.
This is why the noncompete clauses are so essential to a hospital’s financial success. As expected, the American Hospital Association opposes the FTC’s rule, calling it “bad law, bad policy, and a clear sign of an agency run amok.”
Looking ahead
Today’s hospital systems are divided between haves and have-nots. Facilities in affluent areas enjoy higher reimbursements from private insurers, with greater financial success and higher administrator salaries (but not necessarily better patient outcomes). Rural hospitals grapple with low patient volumes while facilities in economically disadvantaged, high-population areas face greater financial difficulties.
None of these models are working for everyday Americans. The ultimate measure of health care policy should be its effect on patients. Based on the FTC ruling, the evidence is clear: Eliminating noncompete clauses will benefit patients greatly.




















Children watch a July Fourth Parade along the Walkway of Heroes and Independence Avenue on July 04, 2026 in Tappan, New York.
The Great American Grumpfest
Our nation’s 250th birthday party didn’t feel especially patriotic and wasn’t as much fun as the 200th anniversary was.
President Trump, who did his best to co-opt our holiday for his personal aggrandizement, was a major reason. The party he threw in Washington, D.C., was crankier than uplifting, and less about celebrating our shared past and a promising future than about reminding us how far we have strayed from our founders’ plan to create a republic that future Americans would keep in good working order.
Credit Trump this much. He has a singular gift for picking at scabs that other politicians would rather ignore and pushing us into reckonings we don’t need.
The thing is, Americans have seen all this before. Sometimes the makeover we were encouraged to undertake was more conservative, sometimes more liberal. Whatever direction we were pushing, however, the reckoning we had in mind this time had to be more forthright and the conclusion more definitive than it was the last time.
Our current discontents, the ones behind the reckoning President Trump has been trying to inspire, are not trivial. Included among them are immigration, birthright citizenship, exploding healthcare costs, election rigging, a gag-inducing national debt, how we educate our children, too many genders, racial differences we can’t move past, a lopsided economy that favors more well-off Americans, and historic levels of political corruption and graft. Add to these the several foreign adventures he has pushed us into or is anxious to undertake, and you have the makings of a national headache the likes of which we haven’t had in half a century.
All the elbow-throwing and overheated rhetoric we’re using today have begun to look almost normal in all the ways that bickering neighbors and feuding family members appear normal. But they have also made us look mean-spirited and have portrayed our differences as irreconcilable. To ourselves, of course, but also to many people outside the United States who might be forgiven for turning their heads and not looking at the national car wreck we Americans show no interest in avoiding.
The good news, as I suggested above, is that Americans have had a great deal of practice dealing with challenges and national car wrecks like these.
This essay begins to lay out the reasons why.
By way of illustration, we have our seemingly insatiable demand for more bad news about race in America.
Sixty years after being released from the legal constrictions that bedeviled both white and black Americans, many white people have come to believe the color that used to make them unassailable is now a sign of a moral inferiority born of a racial animus they can never wash off. Many black people, on the other hand, are insisting that America is as hopelessly stacked against them as the formerly unassailable white people’s ancestors used to tell their black ones.
The result is that many people today are buying into racist nightmares and mumbo jumbo that their black and white ancestors worked hard and effectively to put in each other’s heads.
This might be dismissed as crazy behavior if it weren’t so important to rituals Americans have long used to express their deepest fears about each other while figuring out what move they can make that won’t end with their world crashing down on everybody’s head.
Unfortunately, the kind of cultural sleight of hand we have used to ramp up our racial differences has been appropriated by people who have many other cultural fears and unresolved differences with each other. Their clumsy but culturally prescribed missteps are making all these other issues look as irremediable as our racial problems.
A good place to start an answer to how we back away from ledges is Alexis de Tocqueville’s writing on early-19th-century American democracy. He had an optimistic take on Americans’ unscripted displays of public bravado, recrimination, and payback.
For him, these were occasions when people tried to mitigate the effects of the unfair hand they were dealing someone else or had themselves been dealt by behaving in ways quite at odds with how they would otherwise be expected to act. These inversions of what Tocqueville called “the natural order of conscience” presented themselves as a loud but culturally muted challenge to the hypocrisies that people had built into the world they’d made together.
One of his favorite illustrations of early-American hypocrisy involved slave masters sleeping with their less-than-worthy slaves. To the best of my knowledge, he didn’t pick up on all the ways that slaves messed with their owners. Their well-chronicled and quiet resistance showed that even severely ill-treated people can exercise more control over their lives than outsiders appreciate.
Be that as it may, such inversions of a people’s “natural order of conscience” make a good public show of them wrestling with demons they can’t or may not want to shake off, but in any case, are nowhere close to figuring out how to cast out.
Implicit in these disruptions was the discomforting idea that people might flip the entire script and turn the world on its head in more permanent ways. That kind of flipping worked out better for us in our revolution against England than in our Civil War. These events taught us the value of stepping back from historically unprecedented ledges.
Americans of late have been giving loud expression to a long list of things they don’t like about each other and the last makeover they started but didn’t finish a half-century ago. The outcome of our fights today will be as revealing as they are embarrassing to everyone who imagined they could recast our country in a way that privileged their favorite kind of Americans.
Their disappointment with the accommodations they strike will be palpable, but the middling results they achieve with all their pushing and shoving won’t be anything they can’t live with.
Anthropologists who have written about such moments in other cultures less “advanced” than our own show that people find ways to work around their seemingly irreconcilable differences without ever fully resolving them. Indeed, the patches and repairs people make have the unheralded effect of reinforcing rather than undermining the legitimacy of the practices and values they thought were fundamentally flawed.
For example…
White guilt and black pessimism do more good than putting cash into the pockets of professional shamers and handwringers. They give the rest of us who don’t feel guilty or powerless more time to make the world less racially unequal. Good news.
Regarding illegal immigration, the entrance requirements for future immigrants will remain stringent. Americans will applaud the continued detention and deportation of the few illegal immigrants who commit serious crimes. Good news.
All the people who came to the United States without being legally vetted and were locked up for a time will be released in numbers small enough to avoid serious media attention. Along with the several million other good people who snuck in but avoided capture, the former detainees will go to school, find gainful employment, pay their taxes, and stay out of trouble. Many will eventually become citizens. Good news.
Investigations into election tampering and Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential loss will come to an unceremonious conclusion the day after his second term ends. Many Americans will grumble about this, but there will also be some quiet partying, too. Good and bad news.
Congressional hearings into all the grifting accomplished by people tied to the Trump administration will end without anyone having to pay a dime back to the American taxpayers. Bad news, we’ll learn to live with.
New laws and regulations will be created in the hope that the kind of corruption practiced by President Trump will not be repeated for another 250 years. Good news, I hope we’ll live long enough to enjoy.
Show trials for people who allegedly vandalized the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, if they happen, will get big television viewer ratings. Good news.
Trials for pardoned Capitol insurrectionists who committed serious crimes after their release should get more attention, but won’t. Bad news.
We will continue to hear nothing from most of the people who were pardoned for crimes they committed in the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021. They will keep their mouths shut and their heads down for the rest of their life. Good news.
The gold-gilded ornaments that Donald Trump had plastered all over the White House will be shipped to Mar-a-Lago, where the former president will sell them on eBay. Fun news.
American taxpayers end up paying for most of the new East Wing, the removal of the miniature gladiatorial arena that was built behind the White House, and the restoration of the White House rose garden. Bad news.
The Triumphal Arch was never built. Good news.
Trad wives and gay couples raise perfectly lovely children. Good but unsurprising news.
Trans men and women learn that most Americans can’t figure out who they used to be. No one gives a second thought to their use of “family bathrooms” or “unisex bathrooms” in public settings, businesses, and schools. Communities will sponsor athletic teams that have trans boys and girls just to show they can. Good news.
Budget deficits will be kicked down the road for someone else’s children to pay down. Bad news.
Federal agencies that had their budgets and employee ranks slashed during President Trump’s second term are getting some of the money and lost positions back. Good news.
Elite universities will buy their way out of DEI purgatory by competing for conservative scholars whose inflated salaries dwarf those of their liberal colleagues, who will think about suing their institutions for reverse discrimination but won’t be able to figure out who would pay for it or care. More fun news.
Okay. I’ve probably missed some ways that Americans will step back from the ledges they have been making noises about leaping off. But to the extent that my predictions pan out, the best and most important moral of the stories about us stepping away is this: everything we lost and took back, or had returned to us, will have happened without our government collapsing, civic traditions crumbling, or our people beating each other up.
The reason why is that the differences Americans have with each other really weren’t as irreconcilable as we made them out to be. The empty-sounding bromide that Americans have more that unites us than divides us turns out to be true, not just metaphorically but in fact.
Now that is really something to celebrate.
Daniel J. Monti (danieljmonti.com) is Professor of Sociology at Saint Louis University and the author of American Democracy and Disconsent: Liberalism and Illiberalism in Ferguson, Charlottesville, Black Lives Matter, and the Capitol Insurrection.