Schleifer is research director at Public Agenda, a nonprofit, nonpartisan research and engagement organization focused on strengthening democracy, building trust and expanding economic opportunity. his is part of an occasional series.
In our increasingly polarized society, there is one thing that we agree on: Our democracy is in trouble. The good news is that it's far from the only thing. You may not realize it from the rhetoric in Washington, but there is much common ground among Americans of all political affiliations not only on the health of our democracy, but also about what should be done and who should do it.
The findings, from the most recent Public Agenda/USA Today Hidden Common Ground survey are not all gloom and doom. The new research, which is part of Public Agenda's series of Yankelovich Democracy Monitor surveys, finds that most Americans think our democracy is either in crisis or is at least facing serious challenges. And a 42 percent plurality of Americans believes that the state of our democracy will get worse in the next few years.
While Americans are divided (although not along partisan lines) over the big picture question of whether we need structural change or just to elect the right people, they also express a desire for their local governments to implement a variety of approaches to more participatory democratic decision-making.
In fact, this year's research found that 54 percent of Americans say they want their local government to implement participatory budgeting, described to them in the survey as ordinary people developing ideas for spending tax dollars and then voting on which ideas to fund. This year's research found that only 21 percent of Americans said their local government should not implement PB, while a quarter were unsure. Democrats, Republicans and independents were all similarly enthusiastic about participatory budgeting.
Since participatory budgeting was first introduced in Brazil in 1988, it has been implemented around the world in cities, workplaces, public housing projects and schools. Starting in 2011 in New York City, for example, an increasing number of council members have used PB to let their constituents decide how to spend millions of dollars every year. Public Agenda's peer-reviewed research found that PB can have real impacts on how public funds are used when the community is involved in decision-making. By comparing council members' spending before and after they started using PB, we found that PB led to greater spending on schools, street and traffic improvements, and public housing. But we also found that it led to less spending on parks and recreation projects and housing preservation and development.
What are the other impacts of PB? My colleagues and I at Public Agenda conducted confidential interviews with elected officials from around the U.S. about their experiences with PB. Officials said they felt that PB had improved relations between them and their constituents and had boosted civic participation among segments of the population that did not typically get involved. In fact, research from New York City shows that engaging with participatory budgeting increased people's probability of voting by an average of 8.4 percentage points.
So what stands in the way of more cities adopting participatory budgeting? Elected officials also told us in interviews that they lack enough time, staff and resources to run PB processes effectively. Of course, implementation is often going to be a challenge when it comes to new ways of doing things. But finding the resources for PB implementation — and making that implementation more efficient and cost-effective — is a solvable problem, especially as PB becomes more institutionalized.
Moreover, PB is not the only approach to more participatory decision-making that people want their local governments to implement. For example, 65 percent of Americans say their local government should implement well-organized systems for deliberation, and 62 percent say their local government should implement neighborhood councils of community members and elected officials, who make decisions together about local issues. And 57 percent of Americans say their local government should appoint a representative group of citizens to study issues and make recommendations to elected leaders.
The big picture here is that most Americans (64 percent) say that in order to create a healthier democracy, it is very important that communities and government work together more effectively to solve problems — including statistically identical shares of Democrats, Republicans, independents and the politically unaffiliated. By contrast, only 40 percent of Americans say it is very important that communities make decisions without the federal government getting in the way — including half of Republicans (50 percent) and just over one-third each of Democrats (35 percent) and independents (38 percent). In other words, more people want communities and government to work together than want government to be sidelined.
Overall, Public Agenda's research shows that Americans want more opportunities to participate in making decisions that affect their communities and lives. While these types of democratic reforms may not be as splashy as national-level reforms like abolishing the Electoral Vollege — which a majority of Americans but a minority of Republicans favor — these are changes that Americans largely agree on across political affiliations. Adopting participatory budgeting is just one of the many concrete steps that communities and elected officials can implement to help renew our democracy from the bottom up.



















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.