Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

A study in contrasts: Low-turnout runoffs vs. Alaska’s top-four, all-mail primary

Virginia primary voter

In addition to runoffs in Alabama, Arkansas and Georgia, few voters turned out for limited primaries in Virginia on Tuesday.

Alex Wong/Getty Images

Editor's note: This article was updated to correct a year in a quote from Jason Grenn.

Voters cast ballots in three runoffs and a primary on Tuesday. Well some voters. Turnout in Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia and Virginia was down considerably compared to previous elections. But in Alaska, a special election drew huge turnout numbers.

What made Alaska different? It held a nonpartisan, all-mail primary, whereas voters in Alabama, Arkansas and Georgia were asked to return to the polls for the second time in a matter of weeks. And in Virginia, party officials limited the opportunity to vote to just a handful of races.

Advocates for alternative voting systems see the results as a further sign that change is needed.


“With delayed runoff elections, states like Alabama and Georgia spend millions of dollars for fewer voters' voices to be heard,” said Rob Richie, president and CEO of FairVote, which advocates for electoral reforms.

FairVote’s primary focus is ranked-choice, or instant runoff, voting. In an RCV election, voters may rank multiple candidates on one ballot. If one candidate gets a majority of first-place voters, they win. But when no one gets a majority, the person with the fewest top selection is eliminated and those ballots are redistributed to voters’ second choices.

The process continues until someone has a majority. With RCV, which is used in Maine, Alaska, New York City and dozens of other cities, there’s no need to pay for an additional round of balloting.

In most states, the person with the most votes wins the primary, even without a majority. But Alabama, Arkansas and Georgia all require primary candidates to get at least 50 percent of the vote in order to advance to November’s general election. In each of those states, when no candidate reaches that threshold, the top two vote-getters advance to a runoff.

All three states held their primaries on May 24, and each had a number of races that required a runoff June 21. Voters were a lot less inclined to participate a second time.

  • Just 13 percent of Alabama’s registered voters cast a ballot in the runoff, which included races for the Republican nomination for Senate and secretary of state, as well as the Democratic nomination for governor. That was the third-lowest turnout rate in 35 years of runoffs. Turnout was down more than 10 percentage points from the initial primary. Alabama secretary of state John Merrill told AL.com that the runoff costs the state $5.5 million.
  • In Arkansas, a meager 4 percent of voters participated in the runoffs, although there were no statewide contests on the ballot – just 10 competitions for state legislative nominations. The cost of this contest was not available, but previous runoffs have cost the state at least $3 million.
  • Likewise, 4 percent of registered voters participated in Georgia’s runoffs on Tuesday, even with four statewide offices, including the Democratic nominations for lieutenant governor and secretary of state, and six congressional races on the ballot. The Georgia secretary of state’s office could not be reached regarding the cost of the primary.

“Runoffs in primaries are designed to ensure nominees with broad party support, but often fall short,” Richie said.

“In Alabama, Katie Britt this week won the Republican U.S. Senate runoff with 35,000 fewer votes than in May. Bee Nguyen won Georgia's Democratic secretary of state runoff with 108,000 fewer votes than in May,” he explained. “Yet Alabama and Georgia are among six Southern states that already enable their military and overseas voters to cast ranked choice ballots in runoffs, with about 90 percent of these voters typically having their votes count in both rounds of voting, compared to barely 60 percent for everyone else. Extending the power of a ranked-choice ballot to all voters would enable ‘instant runoffs’ that are a faster, cheaper, and better way to hold elections.”

While election reform advocates often agree that plurality voting and traditional runoffs need to be replaced, they don’t all agree on the solution.

While RCV has been growing in popularity, advocates for approval voting believe their solution – in which voters tick the names of as many candidates as they want, without ranking them – is better.

“The runoffs that we see appear to be an obsession with chasing a majority that voting methods simply cannot guarantee. If a party wants a good nominee, then it needs to field good candidates and have a good voting method to determine that nominee. Reducing the field to two, whether by an explicit runoff or simulating a runoff using rankings, only manufactures a majority,” said Aaron Hamlin, executive director of the Center for Election Science. “This process can also knock out the best candidate. Look to the 1991 Louisiana gubernatorial election which knocked out a moderate incumbent in favor of a runoff between an openly corrupt politician and a Klansman if you want an infamous example.”

The situation in Virginia was quite different. The political parties are permitted to decide, on a race-by-race basis whether to hold an open primary or select nominees at private conventions. Further, most state and local elections in Virginia are held in odd years.

Because many of the congressional races were decided privately or were uncontested, there were only a handful of races on the ballot, resulting in about 3 percent of registered voters participating in the primary.

But the story was very different in Alaska, which just completed its first primary election using a new, nonpartisan voting system. In 2020, Alaskans voted to institute a “top four” election system, in which all candidates – regardless of party – appear on one primary ballot, with the people receiving the top four vote totals advancing to a general election that utilizes ranked-choice voting. This was also the state’s first election conducted by mail.

Nearly 28 percent of registered voters participated in the primary, making it the highest-turnout primary in the state since 2014 and the sixth-highest in two decades, according to Alaska Public Media.

Jason Grenn, executive director of Alaskans for Better Elections, explained why Alaskans changed the system.

“For the past 20 years we’ve had a semi-closed system and it came to a head in 2020,” he said. “We saw in a closed Republican primary six or seven incumbents lost due to extreme candidates running to the right of them.”

The Capitol ended up populated with people unwilling to work across the aisle and who preferred gridlock, according to Grenn. So voters approved a new system and put it to work this spring.

After Rep. Don Young died in March, necessitating a special election that attracted 48 candidates, including one-time Republican vice presidential candidate Sarah Palin, Democratic political scion Nick Begich III, former independent Senate candidate Al Gross and even Santa Claus.

With a large number of candidates from multiple parties (or no party), a race takes on very different characteristics.

“You have to run against people in your own party, the other party, not in a party. You have to show your appeal to a more diverse group than your base,” Grenn explained. “Candidates have to reach out and engage with voters even more than they have done before.”

While Hamlin finds merit in Alaska’s new system, he would prefer to see the state use approval voting as part of the process.

“Alaska's top-4 runoff avoided the oddity of having a runoff during the primary, but it still limited voters to choosing one candidate,” he said. “As we know, limiting voters to one candidate causes vote splitting and gives us little information about the candidates themselves. And Alaska chose to do this because RCV does not have a good multi-nomination process to send folks to the next round; otherwise, they would have used RCV in the primary instead.”


Read More

a grid wall of shipping containers in USA flag colors

The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

Getty Images, J Studios

Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

Keep ReadingShow less
With the focus on the voting posters, the people in the background of the photo sign up to vote.

Should the U.S. nationalize elections? A constitutional analysis of federalism, the Elections Clause, and the risks of centralized control over voting systems.

Getty Images, SDI Productions

Why Nationalizing Elections Threatens America’s Federalist Design

The Federalism Question: Why Nationalizing Elections Deserves Skepticism

The renewed push to nationalize American elections, presented as a necessary reform to ensure uniformity and fairness, deserves the same skepticism our founders directed toward concentrated federal power. The proposal, though well-intentioned, misunderstands both the constitutional architecture of our republic and the practical wisdom in decentralized governance.

The Constitutional Framework Matters

The Constitution grants states explicit authority over the "Times, Places and Manner" of holding elections, with Congress retaining only the power to "make or alter such Regulations." This was not an oversight by the framers; it was intentional design. The Tenth Amendment reinforces this principle: powers not delegated to the federal government remain with the states and the people. Advocates for nationalization often cite the Elections Clause as justification, but constitutional permission is not constitutional wisdom.

Keep ReadingShow less
U.S. Capitol

A shrinking deficit doesn’t mean fiscal health. CBO projections show rising debt, Social Security insolvency, and trillions added under the 2025 tax law.

Getty Images, Dmitry Vinogradov

The Deficit Mirage

The False Comfort of a Good Headline

A mirage can look real from a distance. The closer you get, the less substance you find. That is increasingly how Washington talks about the federal deficit.

Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

What the Deficit Doesn’t Show

The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

Keep ReadingShow less
The United States of America — A Nation in a Spin
us a flag on pole
Photo by Saad Alfozan on Unsplash

The United States of America — A Nation in a Spin

Where is our nation headed — and why does it feel as if the country is spinning out of control under leaders who cannot, or will not, steady it?

Americans are watching a government that seems to have lost its balance. Decisions shift by the hour, explanations contradict one another, and the nation is left reacting to confusion rather than being guided by clarity. Leadership requires focus, discipline, and the courage to make deliberate, informed decisions — even when they are not politically convenient. Yet what we are witnessing instead is haphazard decision‑making, secrecy, and instability.

Keep ReadingShow less