Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

AI could help remove bias from medical research and data

Opinion

Researcher looks at mammography test

Artificial intelligence can help root out racial bias in health care, but only if the programmers can create the software so it doesn't make the same mistakes people make, like misreading mammograms results, writes Pearl.

Anne-Christine Poujoulat/AFP via Getty Images
Pearl is a clinical professor of plastic surgery at the Stanford University School of Medicine and is on the faculty of the Stanford Graduate School of Business. He is a former CEO of The Permanente Medical Group.

This is the second entry in a two-part op-ed series on institutional racism in American medicine.

A little over a year before the coronavirus pandemic reached our shores, the racism problem in U.S. health care was making big headlines.

But it wasn't doctors or nurses being accused of bias. Rather, a study published in Science concluded that a predictive health care algorithm had, itself, discriminated against Black patients.

The story originated with Optum, a subsidiary of insurance giant UnitedHealth Group, which had designed an application to identify high-risk patients with untreated chronic diseases. The company's ultimate goal was to help re-distribute medical resources to those who'd benefit most from added care. And to figure out who was most in need, Optum's algorithm assessed the cost of each patient's past treatments.

Unaccounted for in the algorithm's design was this essential fact: The average Black patient receives $1,800 less per year in total medical care than a white person with the same set of health problems. And, sure enough, when the researchers went back and re-ranked patients by their illnesses (rather than the cost of their care), the percentage of Black patients who should have been enrolled in specialized care programs jumped from 18 percent to 47 percent.

Journalists and commentators pinned the blame for racial bias on Optum's algorithm. In reality, technology wasn't the problem. At issue were the doctors who failed to provide sufficient medical care to the Black patients in the first place. Meaning, the data was faulty because humans failed to provide equitable care.

Artificial intelligence and algorithmic approaches can only be as accurate, reliable and helpful as the data they're given. If the human inputs are unreliable, the data will be, as well.

Let's use the identification of breast cancer as an example. As much as one-third of the time, two radiologists looking at the same mammogram will disagree on the diagnosis. Therefore, if AI software were programmed to act like humans, the technology would be wrong one-third of the time.

Instead, AI can store and compare tens of thousands of mammogram images — comparing examples of women with cancer and without — to detect hundreds of subtle differences that humans often overlook. It can remember all those tiny differences when reviewing new mammograms, which is why AI is already estimated to be 10 percent more accurate than the average radiologist.

What AI can't recognize is whether it's being fed biased or incorrect information. Adjusting for bias in research and data aggregation requires that humans acknowledge their faulty assumptions and decisions, and then modify the inputs accordingly.

Correcting these types of errors should be standard practice by now. After all, any research project that seeks funding and publication is required to include an analysis of potential bias, based on the study's participants. As an example, investigators who want to compare people's health in two cities would be required to modify the study's design if they failed to account for major differences in age, education or other factors that might inappropriately tilt the results.

Given how often data is flawed, the possibility of racial bias should be explicitly factored into every AI project. With universities and funding agencies increasingly focused on racial issues in medicine, this expectation has the potential to become routine in the future. Once it is, AI will force researchers to confront bias in health care. As a result, the conclusions and recommendations they provide will be more accurate and equitable.

Thirteen months into the pandemic, Covid-19 continues to kill Black individuals at a rate three times higher than white people. For years, health plans and hospital leaders have talked about the need to address health disparities like these. And yet, despite good intentions, the solutions they put forth always look a lot like the failed efforts of the past.

Addressing systemic racism in medicine requires that we analyze far more data (all at once) than we do today. AI is the perfect application for this task. What we need is a national commitment to use these types of technologies to answer medicine's most urgent questions.

There is no antidote to the problem of racism in medicine. But combining AI with a national commitment to root out bias in health care would be a good start, putting our medical system on a path toward antiracism.

Read More

Can MAGA go any lower defending Donald Trump?

U.S. president Donald Trump delivers remarks at the U.S.-Saudi Investment Forum at the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in Washington, D..C on Nov. 19, 2025.

(Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images/TCA)

Can MAGA go any lower defending Donald Trump?

I remember it well. It was Oct. 7, 2016, a Friday. That afternoon The Washington Post dropped a bombshell, the perfect October surprise, just a month before the presidential election.

Earlier in the week, Hillary Clinton had been hammering Donald Trump on the news that he may not have paid taxes for 18 years.

Keep ReadingShow less
Hardliners vs. Loyalists: Republicans Divide Over Mamdani Moment

U.S. President Donald Trump shakes hands with New York City Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani (L) during a meeting in the Oval Office of the White House on November 21, 2025 in Washington, DC.

Photo by Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

Hardliners vs. Loyalists: Republicans Divide Over Mamdani Moment

Yesterday’s meeting between Donald Trump and New York City's Mayor-elect, Zohran Mamdani, was marked by an unexpected cordiality. Trump praised Mamdani’s “passion for his community” and called him “a very energetic young man with strong ideas,” while Mamdani, in turn, described Trump as “gracious” and “surprisingly open to dialogue.” The exchange was strikingly civil, even warm — a sharp departure from the months of hostility that had defined their relationship in the public eye.

That warmth stood in stark contrast to the bitter words exchanged before and after Mamdani’s election. Trump had dismissed him as a “radical socialist who wants to destroy America,” while Mamdani blasted Trump as “a corrupt demagogue who thrives on division.” Republican Senator Rick Scott piled on, branding Mamdani a “literal communist” and predicting Trump would “school” him at the White House. Representative Elise Stefanik went further, labeling him a “jihadist” during her gubernatorial campaign and, even after Trump’s praise, insisting that “if he walks like a jihadist… he’s a jihadist.” For Republicans who had invested heavily in demonizing Mamdani, Trump’s embrace left allies fuming and fractured, caught between loyalty to their leader and the hardline attacks they had once championed.

Keep ReadingShow less
Trump's Clemency for Giuliani et al is Another Effort to Whitewash History and Damage Democracy

Former NYC Mayor Rudy Giuliani, September 11, 2025 in New York City.

(Photo by Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)

Trump's Clemency for Giuliani et al is Another Effort to Whitewash History and Damage Democracy

In the earliest days of the Republic, Alexander Hamilton defended giving the president the exclusive authority to grant pardons and reprieves against the charge that doing so would concentrate too much power in one person’s hands. Reading the news of President Trump’s latest use of that authority to reward his motley crew of election deniers and misfit lawyers, I was taken back to what Hamilton wrote in 1788.

He argued that “The principal argument for reposing the power of pardoning in this case to the Chief Magistrate is this: in seasons of insurrection or rebellion, there are often critical moments, when a well- timed offer of pardon to the insurgents or rebels may restore the tranquility of the commonwealth; and which, if suffered to pass unimproved, it may never be possible afterwards to recall.”

Keep ReadingShow less