Donald Trump’s renewed fixation on acquiring Greenland — including talk of unilateral action and military options — should have triggered a full‑throated response from Congress. Not because Greenland itself is the central issue, but because the idea of seizing territory from a NATO ally strikes at the heart of the post‑war democratic order the United States helped build. Denmark reacted with disbelief. Greenlandic leaders asserted their autonomy. NATO partners expressed alarm. As NATO Secretary‑General Mark Rutte put it, allies are working to “make sure that the Arctic is safe,” even as he declined to “publicly address a dispute between NATO allies.” And Greenland’s own prime minister was even more direct: “We choose NATO. We choose the Kingdom of Denmark. We choose the EU.”
Yet in Washington, the initial reaction from Republican members of Congress has been astonishingly muted. This silence is significant because congressional inaction or reluctance to speak up can imply tacit approval or indifference, undermining democratic principles. When leaders choose silence over confrontation, they risk eroding the guardrails of governance, leaving democracy vulnerable to authoritarian impulses.
A handful of Republicans did speak up. House Speaker Mike Johnson called military action “not appropriate.” Senate Majority Leader John Thune said he did not see such an option as “on the table”.
Thom Tillis emphasized Greenland as an ally, not an asset, and warned that Congress would “lock arms” to prevent unilateral military action. “It's great for Putin, Xi, and other adversaries who want to see NATO divided,” and added, “It hurts the legacy of President Trump and undercuts all the work he has done to strengthen the NATO alliance over the years.” The senator from North Carolina also issued a joint statement alongside Democratic Sen. Shaheen, his co-chair on the bipartisan Senate NATO Observer Group.
Another member of the bi-partisan delegation, Senator Lisa Murkowski, added her voice, stating, “These tariffs are unnecessary, punitive, and a profound mistake. They will push our core European allies further away while doing nothing to advance U.S. national security.”
Representative Don Bacon dismissed the idea as “the dumbest thing I’ve ever heard,” adding, “ This is appalling. Greenland is a NATO ally. Denmark is one of our best friends… so the way we’re treating them is really demeaning and it has no upside,”
But in the days since, a few more Republican voices have joined them and their language has been even sharper. Senator Roger Wicker, the ranking Republican on Armed Services, said the entire topic “should be dropped,” warning that any attempt to seize Greenland would damage U.S. alliances. Senator Susan Collins called the notion of taking Greenland “completely inappropriate.” And Senator Mitch McConnell, long associated with the institutionalist wing of his party, warned that such actions would trample the sovereignty and trust of America’s allies and amount to “catastrophic strategic self‑harm.”
On Sunday Rand Paul added his disapproval of tariffs the President imposing unilateral tariffs NATO allies saying he should not be able to “write up; new taxes and threaten them any time he wishes”
On Face the Nation Congressman Mike Turner from Ohio’s 8th district who heads the U.S. delegation to NATO”S Parliamentary Assembly questioned Trump's authority saying “There certainly is no authority that the President has to use military force to seize territory from a NATO country. And certainly this is problematic that the President has made this statement and has caused tension among the alliance,”
Ten voices. Out of more than 260 Republicans in Congress.The question is not why these ten spoke up. The question is why so few others have not. There are several possible reasons for this silence among the majority. Some might genuinely share Trump's perspective and align with his approach to international relations. Others might disagree but fear the political repercussions of voicing their opposition. There is also the possibility that many have become desensitized to the shocking nature of Trump's propositions, which undermines the proactive stance Congress could take.
This moment echoes themes I’ve written about throughout the past year. In one column, I warned that “democracies rarely fall in a single dramatic moment; they erode through a series of silences.” In another, I described how “the refusal to confront wrongdoing becomes its own form of complicity.” And in a piece reflecting on civic courage, I wrote that “the test of leadership is not whether one speaks when it is easy, but whether one speaks when silence
is safer.”
Those lines were not written with Greenland in mind. Yet they fit this moment with uncomfortable precision.
This is not a matter of ideology. One does not need a foreign‑policy briefing to understand why the United States cannot simply seize land from Denmark. Nor is this a matter of legislative complexity. No member of Congress needs a classified memo to grasp why threatening a NATO partner undermines the very alliance that has kept the peace for 75 years.
So what explains the silence?
Some Republicans may genuinely share Trump’s transactional view of alliances, his belief that American power is best expressed through dominance rather than partnership, and his willingness to test the boundaries of international norms.
Others may not agree at all but fear the political consequences of saying so. The modern GOP has become a party where dissent is punished swiftly, where primaries are weaponized, and where loyalty to the leader is often treated as synonymous with loyalty to the party itself.
But there is a third possibility, and it may be the most troubling: that many have grown numb. Numb to the shock value of Trump’s statements. Numb to the erosion of guardrails. Numb to the idea that Congress has a constitutional responsibility to check executive overreach, not merely comment on it when convenient.
What I do know is that the history of our nation shows that when our ideals are under threat, people have risen to the moment, whether through resistance, community‑building, or legislative change. That pattern is woven into American history.
In a Fulcrum piece earlier this year, I wrote that “the history of our nation shows us that when our ideals are under threat people have risen to the moment.” The Greenland episode is a case study in that truth. Republicans who choose to speak up may well pay a political price, but their legacy of standing for what is right will endure. Those who reject Trump’s stance on Greenland while their colleagues remain silent will be remembered as the true patriots — the ones who placed constitutional responsibility above political convenience.
And for those who remain silent, that silence speaks volumes. It reveals how fear of backlash, of primaries, of Trump himself, now outweighs the principles that have guided our nation for generations. Tacit agreement through silence is no different from explicit endorsement; in either case, it signals a disregard for defending our alliances, our democratic commitments, and our role in the world as a beacon of stability and truth. Now more than ever, citizens must stay engaged: by staying informed, contacting their representatives, voting, and participating in civic conversations. Only through active involvement can we hold leaders accountable and ensure that democratic values prevail.
If by repeatedly calling attention to this pattern, this drift away from constitutional responsibility, this willingness to look away when the stakes are highest means I am guilty of “Trump Derangement Syndrome,” then so be it. I would rather be accused of caring too much about democracy than be remembered for staying silent when it mattered.David L. Nevins is the publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.




















Eric Trump, the newly appointed ALT5 board director of World Liberty Financial, walks outside of the NASDAQ in Times Square as they mark the $1.5- billion partnership between World Liberty Financial and ALT5 Sigma with the ringing of the NASDAQ opening bell, on Aug. 13, 2025, in New York City.
Why does the Trump family always get a pass?
Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche joined ABC’s “This Week” on Sunday to defend or explain a lot of controversies for the Trump administration: the Epstein files release, the events in Minneapolis, etc. He was also asked about possible conflicts of interest between President Trump’s family business and his job. Specifically, Blanche was asked about a very sketchy deal Trump’s son Eric signed with the UAE’s national security adviser, Sheikh Tahnoon.
Shortly before Trump was inaugurated in early 2025, Tahnoon invested $500 million in the Trump-owned World Liberty, a then newly launched cryptocurrency outfit. A few months later, UAE was granted permission to purchase sensitive American AI chips. According to the Wall Street Journal, which broke the story, “the deal marks something unprecedented in American politics: a foreign government official taking a major ownership stake in an incoming U.S. president’s company.”
“How do you respond to those who say this is a serious conflict of interest?” ABC host George Stephanopoulos asked.
“I love it when these papers talk about something being unprecedented or never happening before,” Blanche replied, “as if the Biden family and the Biden administration didn’t do exactly the same thing, and they were just in office.”
Blanche went on to boast about how the president is utterly transparent regarding his questionable business practices: “I don’t have a comment on it beyond Trump has been completely transparent when his family travels for business reasons. They don’t do so in secret. We don’t learn about it when we find a laptop a few years later. We learn about it when it’s happening.”
Sadly, Stephanopoulos didn’t offer the obvious response, which may have gone something like this: “OK, but the president and countless leading Republicans insisted that President Biden was the head of what they dubbed ‘the Biden Crime family’ and insisted his business dealings were corrupt, and indeed that his corruption merited impeachment. So how is being ‘transparent’ about similar corruption a defense?”
Now, I should be clear that I do think the Biden family’s business dealings were corrupt, whether or not laws were broken. Others disagree. I also think Trump’s business dealings appear to be worse in many ways than even what Biden was alleged to have done. But none of that is relevant. The standard set by Trump and Republicans is the relevant political standard, and by the deputy attorney general’s own account, the Trump administration is doing “exactly the same thing,” just more openly.
Since when is being more transparent about wrongdoing a defense? Try telling a cop or judge, “Yes, I robbed that bank. I’ve been completely transparent about that. So, what’s the big deal?”
This is just a small example of the broader dysfunction in the way we talk about politics.
Americans have a special hatred for hypocrisy. I think it goes back to the founding era. As Alexis de Tocqueville observed in “Democracy In America,” the old world had a different way of dealing with the moral shortcomings of leaders. Rank had its privileges. Nobles, never mind kings, were entitled to behave in ways that were forbidden to the little people.
In America, titles of nobility were banned in the Constitution and in our democratic culture. In a society built on notions of equality (the obvious exceptions of Black people, women, Native Americans notwithstanding) no one has access to special carve-outs or exemptions as to what is right and wrong. Claiming them, particularly in secret, feels like a betrayal against the whole idea of equality.
The problem in the modern era is that elites — of all ideological stripes — have violated that bargain. The result isn’t that we’ve abandoned any notion of right and wrong. Instead, by elevating hypocrisy to the greatest of sins, we end up weaponizing the principles, using them as a cudgel against the other side but not against our own.
Pick an issue: violent rhetoric by politicians, sexual misconduct, corruption and so on. With every revelation, almost immediately the debate becomes a riot of whataboutism. Team A says that Team B has no right to criticize because they did the same thing. Team B points out that Team A has switched positions. Everyone has a point. And everyone is missing the point.
Sure, hypocrisy is a moral failing, and partisan inconsistency is an intellectual one. But neither changes the objective facts. This is something you’re supposed to learn as a child: It doesn’t matter what everyone else is doing or saying, wrong is wrong. It’s also something lawyers like Mr. Blanche are supposed to know. Telling a judge that the hypocrisy of the prosecutor — or your client’s transparency — means your client did nothing wrong would earn you nothing but a laugh.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.