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The state of voting: April 11, 2022

voting legislation updates

This weekly update summarizing legislative activity affecting voting and elections is powered by the Voting Rights Lab. Sign up for VRL’s weekly newsletter here.

The Voting Rights Lab is tracking 2,440 bills so far this session, with 570 bills that tighten the rules governing voter access or election administration and 1,087 bills that expand the rules.

As has often been the case in recent months, some of the biggest news came out of George, where legislators passed a bill giving the state Bureau of Investigations jurisdiction over election crimes. However the legislation has far fewer voting restrictions than S.B. 89, the bill that was being fast-tracked earlier this month but failed to pass on the last day of session.

Elsewhere, Missouri began consideration of a bill that would allow the secretary of state to audit the list of registered voters. And Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers vetoed bills that could make it harder to vote while Connecticut Gov. Ned Lamont signed a bill expanding access to absentee ballots.

Looking ahead: A New Hampshire bill that would create a stricter voter ID law will be taken up by the House Election Law Committee on Wednesday.

Here are the details:


Georgia passes elections legislation in the final minutes of the session. Close to midnight on the last day of the session, legislators passed an elections bill granting the Georgia Bureau of Investigation authority to independently investigate election crimes and issue relevant subpoenas. S.B. 441 is less restrictive than H.B. 1464, the bill that had been moving through the Senate earlier this month, which included onerous chain of custody requirements for ballots and even un-voted security paper; public inspection of ballots prior to certification date by the general public; stricter rules on private funding of elections; and cuts to the minimum number of voting machines offered on Election Day.

Wisconsin governor vetoes package of election bills, including several restrictions on mail voting. The Republican-controlled Assembly sent nine elections bills to Evers, who vetoed each one. These bills would have required voters to provide a copy of photo ID every time they requested an absentee ballot, prohibited citizens from returning absentee ballots on behalf of their friends and neighbors, restricted who can identify as indefinitely confined (a status that allows for absentee ballots to be automatically provided for those who can’t get to the polls due to age, illness or disability) and banned the use of private money to fund election administration. Republicans may try to circumvent the governor’s veto on the private money prohibition through a ballot initiative to amend the state Constitution next year.

Connecticut expands access to absentee ballots. Lamont signed legislation permanently expanding the reasons a voter can get an absentee ballot. The new law will allow commuters who work away from their polling place for much of Election Day, as well as caregivers or people worried about illness, to access an absentee ballot.

Missouri legislature considers a bill allowing an audit of registered voters. Missouri’s House Elections and Elected Officials Committee heard a bill that would allow the secretary of state to audit any local voter registration list to verify that the voters are alive, residing in the election authority’s jurisdiction, and entitled to vote, as well as any other criteria the secretary deems appropriate. The secretary of state could instruct the local election authority to remove voters, and failure to comply with the secretary of state’s decision could lead to a funding loss. The proposed language contains no safeguards limiting the secretary’s discretion to order local election officials to cancel registrations nor any requirement that the review be conducted identically across all jurisdictions.

New Hampshire’s strict voter ID bill will be heard in committee on Wednesday. The House Election Law Committee will hear S.B. 418 on Wednesday. The bill, which already passed the Senate, would make the state voter ID law more restrictive. Current New Hampshire law allows voters without ID to cast a regular ballot if they complete an affidavit affirming their identity, under penalty of perjury. This bill would eliminate that alternative, and instead rescind their vote from the count if they are unable to show an ID within 10 days of the election. Most states with voter ID laws offer an alternative to ensure the identity of voters without ID can be verified through other means. This new bill would put New Hampshire in the minority.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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