Why does The Fulcrum feature regular columns on health care in America?
U.S. health care spending grew 9.7 percent in 2020, reaching $4.1 trillion — 19.7 percent of the gross domestic product. Over the long term this is clearly unsustainable. If The Fulcrum is going to fulfill our mission as a place for informed discussions on repairing our democracy, we need to foster conversations on this vital segment of the economy. Maximizing the quality and reducing the cost of American medicine not only will make people's lives better, but will also generate dollars needed to invest in education, eliminating poverty or other critical areas. This series on breaking the rules aims to achieve that goal and spotlights the essential role the government will need to play.
Pearl is a clinical professor of plastic surgery at the Stanford University School of Medicine and is on the faculty of the Stanford Graduate School of Business. He is a former CEO of The Permanente Medical Group.
A pair of Supreme Court rulings in June — one on gun rights, the other on abortion — have elicited strong, partisan reactions.
In recent weeks, critics have called out inconsistencies in the court’s decisions: One ruling restricts the ability of states to regulate guns while the other expands the right of states to regulate abortions. The result, opponents say, is that Americans are free to carry guns but forced to carry babies.
Legal scholars observed yet another contradiction. During confirmation hearings and in past decisions, conservative justices extolled the virtues of stare decisis — the legal principle of keeping prior rulings in place. But in last month’s monumental 5-4 decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, the majority reversed that decision, which had stood for nearly 50 years.
In the wake of those decisions, the court’s conservative majority has been called radical, hypocritical, even draconian. All that may be true, but what worries me most as a physician is how quickly the highest court in the land has become unscientific and medically negligent.
SCOTUS v. science
A popular defense of the court’s decision to overturn Roe goes something like this: “Some court rulings are wrong, egregiously so, and don’t deserve deference, even if they have stood for decades.”
Those words come courtesy of Ryan Rusak, a political columnist with the Fort-Worth Star-Telegram, who was explaining a controversial subtweet from Republican Sen. John Cornyn.
Cornyn’s idea was that long-standing precedent was also discarded in Brown v. Board of Education, a landmark decision that desegregated schools in 1954. That ruling overturned Plessy v. Ferguson, the infamous “separate but equal” decision from 1896, made nearly 60 years prior.
Although the court indeed discarded the legal principle of stare decisis in both reversals (from Plessy to Brown and Roe to Dobbs), there is a critical difference between the two opinions.
The decision in Brown was based, in part, on decades of scientific progress whereas the reversal of Roe swept decades of science under the rug.
The false equivalence of Plessy and Roe
Back in 1896, some of the world’s leading academics believed that Black people were biologically inferior to whites. This misbelief, now labeled scientific racism, seemed reasonable to the court in 19th century America and played a major part in the Plessy ruling.
Some 60 years later, by the 1950s, the application of scientific scrutiny had helped our nation (and the Supreme Court) realize that racialized pseudoscience was harmful to both child education and American society.
When Chief Justice Earl Warren delivered the opinion of a unanimous court in Brown, scholars noted that he “based much of his opinion on information from social science studies rather than court precedent.”
In other words, the ruling was rooted in science, putting facts ahead of dogmatic belief and personal biases.
In the recent Dobbs ruling on abortion, five of nine justices did the opposite. They were aware of the scientific rationale used — in Roe (1973) and Casey (1992) — to constitutionally protect the health and well-being of the mother, but they nevertheless chose to ignore the data. And that is, by definition, unscientific.
Dogma and originalism rule the Court
Today’s court is led by justices who interpret the Constitution through the words of its authors “at the time it was written.” This judicial philosophy of originalism has allowed members of the court to bend or ignore 235 years of facts to fit a desired, often preconceived, set of conclusions.
In doing so, they fail to acknowledge that the Constitution was written when a) the average American’s life expectancy was 38 years, b) married women were considered property of their husbands with no legal identity, and c) the most popular gun on the market had a magazine capacity of one and took approximately three minutes to load.
Nearly two and a half centuries of progress have afforded us greater scientific understanding than our forefathers had.
Modern research now allows us to better assess threats to human life and implement measures to avoid them. As a result, life expectancy is 79 years, doubling our distant ancestors. Moreover, women are no longer deemed property or second-class citizens. Those leaps forward in law and logic afford women more rights today than they had 235 years ago (at least on paper), including the rights to privacy, self-determination and equality. And whereas yesterday’s guns took minutes to load, today’s high-powered weapons can end multiple lives in seconds, a reality demonstrated time and again, with more than 160 people gunned down since this months’s deadly Fourth of July shooting in Highland Park, Ill.
A society in reverse
The world is different now — better, in many ways, thanks to science. We can cure disease, access limitless medical information with a tap of the finger and proactively sidestep serious medical risks.
But instead of celebrating and building upon scientific progress, our nation’s highest court is casting it aside, pushing American society backward.
Centuries ago, the Inquisition cast Western Europe into an age of ignorance and regression. Science, medicine and other academic pursuits were censored or rejected by tribunal courts and replaced with the “rule of faith,” resulting in the deaths of tens of thousands of people over a span of 200 years.
Throughout history, unnecessary deaths happen whenever people in power deny and ignore science. This moment in history won’t be an exception.
Unscientific decisions have consequences
Research consistently shows that greater access to firearms results in more shooting deaths while restricted access to reproductive health care results in more maternal deaths.
Indeed, guns killed over 45,000 Americans last year — 14 percent higher than the year before and 43 percent higher than a decade ago. Since 2014, the United States has experienced more than 3,600 mass shootings. The United States is home to 10 times more gun-related deaths than the next four richest countries combined. Shootings have become the leading cause of death among children, killing more kids than cancer.
Taking all these facts into account, Justice Stephen Breyer concluded that “when courts interpret the Second Amendment, it is constitutionally proper, indeed often necessary, for them to consider the serious dangers and consequences of gun violence.”
The same notion is true of reproductive rights. When the United States legalized abortion for all women in 1973, the justices did so knowing that restrictive state laws didn’t eliminate abortions. They just made abortions medically unsafe, exacting a massive toll on women’s health that disproportionately affected lower-income women. Health care professionals know that nearly every death and injury resulting from an unsafe abortion is avoidable when the procedure performed by a doctor.
In both recent decisions, the conservative court majority either ignored these facts or questioned their relevance. It doesn’t matter whether you’re a nurse, doctor or Supreme Court justice — overlooking scientific facts is medically negligent and is destined to cause death.
Of course, Supreme Court Justices aren’t trained as scientists or physicians, but they certainly must recognize that overturning Roe and making it easier for people to carry concealed weapons in public will end lives. Knowing that, the only logical conclusion we can draw is that the majority of Justices don’t care about the consequences.
As a physician, I find that lack of compassion unacceptable and the Court’s lack of concern terrifying.



















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.