Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Why members of Congress should get a raise, whether they deserve it or not

Opinion

Why members of Congress should get a raise, whether they deserve it or not

A one-bedroom, one-bath apartment totaling 460 square foot will run you $1,950 on Capitol Hill.

Zillow

Drutman, a senior fellow in the political reform program at New America, and Kosar, vice president of policy at the R Street Institute, are co-directors of the nonpartisan Legislative Branch Capacity Working Group.

You've surely heard the old line, "The best Congress money can buy." Typically, it's said sardonically. In the classic formulation, it's not your money doing the buying. It's special interests and lobbyists forking over the dough. In exchange, they get the best Congress they can buy – for them.

But what if it were your money? How much should you, the taxpayers, be willing to pay? If you want a Congress that works for you, can you get it on the cheap?

The debate is not an academic one. House Democrats and Republican leaders have proposed boosting legislators' pay by providing a cost of living adjustment of $4,500. The current annual salary of $174,000 has not changed since 2009. Adjusted for inflation, that amounts to a 16 percent decrease.


The basic case for a congressional pay raise is the same as for a raise at in any business. The more you pay, the more you can retain and attract the most talented people. Certainly, money is only one of many motivating forces. But a higher salary makes any job more appealing and more sustainable.

As many members have learned, $174,000 doesn't go as far as it first might appear. Serving in Congress means that you need two residences, one in your home state and one in Washington, and the one in D..C doesn't come cheap: One-bedroom apartments start at $2,000 a month – and that will get you a basement apartment in an edgy neighborhood.

Some members solve their D.C. housing problem with cots in their offices, but that's a poor solution and can create creepy situations for their aides and the custodians. Other members solve their housing cost problem by being independently wealthy and able to afford two homes, no problem. But this means Congress often becomes a job for a combination of wealthy elites who can afford it and passionate ideologues who believe their cause justifies their expenses.

Compensation is also relative. Most members could earn more working at a lobbying firm, in business or practicing law. They have the experience and connections to do so. And while some turnover is healthy in Congress, it should come from electoral competition, not from decent public-spirited lawmakers growing so dissatisfied that a higher private-sector salary seems too good to turn down. Record numbers of legislators are now going to work for big bucks on K Street.

For many talented individuals out in the country, the personal costs of serving in Congress are extremely high – the strain on family life paramount among them. Many members have given up rewarding and well-paying jobs to come to Capitol Hill. As Stanford political scientist Andrew Hall argues convincingly in a new book, "Who Wants to Run?", higher congressional wages would attract more qualified and also more moderate candidates, for whom the higher pay would justify the challenges of running. (The passionate ideologues are more likely to run no matter what.)

Certainly, the politics of congressional pay are forbidding. An annual salary of $174,000, after all, is not bupkes. For most normal people, this six-figure compensation looks like an impossibly high and generous reward for a job where the popular stereotype is of rampant do-nothingism from lazy egotists, living large on the taxpayer dime. Realities aside, the perception makes for powerful politics.

Some propose making House members and senators earn their salary by tying it to various performance indicators, such as adopting budgets on time or achieving other legislative goals. But this misses the point. It only makes being a member an even less attractive idea for many decent people, further restricting the pool of talent willing to consider serving.

In the past, all increases have had bipartisan leadership support, thereby blunting the electoral consequences. But it's now been 10 years since members have given themselves a raise — a stalemate likely driven by the bitter partisan gamesmanship, with any pay boost a campaign issue waiting to happen.

This is, of course, penny wise and pound foolish. In a $4.1 trillion (with a T) federal budget, even a doubling of congressional salaries would be a rounding error on a rounding error. If it attracted and retained more top-notch talent to Congress – people capable of leading tough oversight to root out wasteful spending – that would yield tremendous savings for taxpayers. If it helped Congress solve more problems and improve the lives of citizens, that would be money well spent. Clearly, what we've got now isn't working.

More broadly, the federal budget includes just over $2 billion a year for the House and the Senate combined. That's one half of 1 percent of total government spending – and considerably less than the $3.4 billion a year spent on lobbying. Lobbyists have power because they pay for expertise and talent. Congress pays little, and suffers from high staff turnover and low staff experience. It's a recipe for special-interest dominance.

Perhaps if Congress can't agree on a salary increase, it might agree on other compensation supplements, such as a housing stipend, or even building a congressional dorm, where members could stay rent-free while they're in town.

There are few bargains in this world. Mostly, you get what you pay for. Congress is no exception. Somebody's dollars will purchase the best Congress that money can buy. It should be the American taxpayers.


Read More

US America and China flags on chess king on a chessboard.

USA and China trade relations, cooperation strategy. US America and China flags on chess king on a chessboard.

Getty Images

America’s Gridlock Is Beijing’s Best Argument

Americans tend to treat democracy’s superiority as settled, and the long-run evidence backs them up. A major study by MIT economist Daron Acemoglu and colleagues found that countries that democratize end up about 20 percent richer per person within a generation. But most of the world does not grade governments on long-run studies. For billions of people outside the wealthy West, the test is simpler: does the power stay on, are food prices steady, is there work, and do the roads get built? When the stomach is empty, a ballot can feel like a luxury.

China understands this and sells its model on exactly those terms. Its GDP per capita has climbed from about $300 in 1980 to nearly $15,000 today, by IMF figures, and the World Bank credits it with lifting some 800 million people out of extreme poverty. India, the world’s largest democracy, started from a similar place and sits near $2,800. Beijing’s centralized system, paired with Deng Xiaoping’s market reforms, built power plants, factories and rail lines at a pace India’s more deliberative politics has not matched. Anyone who values liberty will find little to admire in that model. It does explain why the model sells.

Keep ReadingShow less
American soldier in headquarter control center

American soldier in headquarter control center

Getty Images

Why America Must Rethink Its Counterterrorism Strategy in Nigeria

When American forces conducted airstrikes against suspected Islamic State militants in northwest Nigeria on Christmas Day 2025, the operation signaled a renewal of security cooperation between Washington and Abuja. Yet for Nigerians living in communities plagued by terrorism, kidnapping, and armed attacks, a critical question remained: Will these strikes make their daily lives any safer?

That question demands serious consideration in Washington. The United States has spent decades helping Nigeria combat terrorism through military equipment, intelligence sharing, and tactical training. Yet, armed violence continues to disrupt daily life across northern Nigeria, raising doubts about how the effectiveness of American counterterrorism assistance should be measured.

Keep ReadingShow less
Pete Hegseth

US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth on October 28, 2026.

(Photo by Ezra Acayan/Getty Images)

Pete Hegseth and the High Price of Compromised Governance

Just days after a historic midterm election in which everyday Americans sent a clear, undeniable demand for political accountability and transparency, the halls of Congress have devolved into a new theater of crisis. Republican Representative Thomas Massie’s introduction of eight articles of impeachment against Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has thrown the Department—and the nation’s fragile democratic norms—into uncharted territory.

Massie, a longtime Trump critic who plans to retire from Congress at the end of the year, accuses Hegseth of bypassing Congress and violating constitutional limits on war powers.

Keep ReadingShow less
Close up of pharmacist hand taking meds from drawer

New federal law already targets PBM pricing and rebate practices. An opinion on why state pharmacy ownership bans go too far, and the freight-rail lesson.

Cris Cantón/Getty Images

State Healthcare Reforms Have Gone Off the Rails

Government generally has two ways to address problems in a marketplace. It can establish clear rules, target harmful conduct and let competition produce better outcomes. Or it can design the market itself by controlling business decisions and dictating how companies must operate. That is the decision facing lawmakers in healthcare today.

America's freight-rail experience shows what is at stake. For decades, the Interstate Commerce Commission controlled railroad rates, restricted routes and made it hard for carriers to shed unprofitable lines. Intended to stabilize an essential industry, the rules instead contributed to bankruptcies and lagging investment.

Keep ReadingShow less