Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

Bill to stop 'prison gerrymandering' advances in New Jersey

New Jersey Gov. Philip Murphy

New Jersey Gov. Philip Murphy already approved a bill restoring voting rights to felons and has indicated he will sign legislation to end prison gerrymandering.

Spencer Platt/Getty Images

A nearly decade-long drive to end what's known as "prison gerrymandering" in New Jersey is accelerating toward success, likely in plenty of time for the redrawing of the state's political maps for the coming decade.

Legislation that would count incarcerated people at their home addresses, rather than where they are in imprisoned, is headed to the full state House after it was endorsed 7-4 in committee Monday. The same bill was passed by the state Senate a year ago.

The measure is being pushed hard by Democrats from urban areas, who say their political power is being shortchanged by the current system — which is now the practice in 44 states. If their bill becomes law, New Jersey would join only California, New York, Washington, Maryland, Nevada and Delaware in counting prisoners where they last lived before their convictions.


Opposition to the switch comes primarily from lawmakers, mostly Republicans, representing the rural areas where most prisons are located. They say the status quo is appropriate because prison populations put more of a burden on surrounding areas for infrastructure and services, and the census population counts are also used to apportion funding to local governments.

That was the rationale Republican Gov. Chris. Christie cited when he vetoed a similar bill three years ago.

Both halves of the Legislature were solidly Democratic then and remain so. But the new governor is Philip Murphy, also a Democrat, and he has signaled he's ready to sign whatever criminal justice measures he's sent. He approved a bill in December restoring voting rights to the state's felons on probation and parole.

"We count prisoners for their bodies and deny them the right to vote, giving outsized political power to the rest of the prison district's population," bill supporter Henal Patel, associate counsel for the New Jersey Institute for Social Justice, told the news site northjersey.com . "We really only have this tiny window to pass the legislation, or it's moot for another 10 years after the maps are drawn. New Jersey is one of the first states to start redistricting."

Almost half the state's prison population is housed at three different facilities in rural Cumberland County, but only 3 percent of people incarcerated statewide come from the South Jersey county. And so the current system props up the population of the 2nd congressional district at the expense of those that include Trenton, Newark, Camden, Paterson and Jersey City, where a plurality of prisoners used to live.

The Prison Policy Initiative, a nonprofit organization that researches criminal justice issues, says that in Wisconsin (to cite another example) five counties and cities in rural areas where more than half of their populations incarcerated, leading to more districts for the state's lower house, she said.

Read More

A close up of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement badge.

The Supreme Court’s stay in Vasquez Perdomo v. Noem restores ICE authority in Los Angeles, igniting national debate over racial profiling, constitutional rights, and immigration enforcement.

Getty Images, Tennessee Witney

Public Safety or Profiling? Implications of Vasquez Perdomo v. Noem for Immigration Enforcement in the U.S.

Introduction

The Supreme Court’s recent decision in September 2025 to stay a lower court’s order in Vasquez Perdomo v. Noem marks a significant development in the ongoing debate over the balance between immigration enforcement and constitutional protections. The decision temporarily lifted a district court’s restrictions on Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) operations in the Los Angeles area, allowing agents to resume certain enforcement practices while litigation continues. Although the decision does not resolve the underlying constitutional issues, it does have significant implications for immigration policy, law enforcement authority, and civil liberties.

Keep ReadingShow less
For the Sake of Our Humanity: Humane Theology and America’s Crisis of Civility

Praying outdoors

ImagineGolf/Getty Images

For the Sake of Our Humanity: Humane Theology and America’s Crisis of Civility

The American experiment has been sustained not by flawless execution of its founding ideals but by the moral imagination of people who refused to surrender hope. From abolitionists to suffragists to the foot soldiers of the civil-rights movement, generations have insisted that the Republic live up to its creed. Yet today that hope feels imperiled. Coarsened public discourse, the normalization of cruelty in policy, and the corrosion of democratic trust signal more than political dysfunction—they expose a crisis of meaning.

Naming that crisis is not enough. What we need, I argue, is a recovered ethic of humaneness—a civic imagination rooted in empathy, dignity, and shared responsibility. Eric Liu, through Citizens University and his "Civic Saturday" fellows and gatherings, proposes that democracy requires a "civic religion," a shared set of stories and rituals that remind us who we are and what we owe one another. I find deep resonance between that vision and what I call humane theology. That is, a belief and moral framework that insists public life cannot flourish when empathy is starved.

Keep ReadingShow less