Reform advocates are full of good intentions and worthy goals— from ending hunger to improving access to healthcare and limiting the impacts of climate change. But good intentions are not the same as good results.
The efficient delivery of services is important for all citizens. In this episode, How Do We Fix it looks at how to design technology that makes the government smarter, much more efficient, and even friendlier.
Republican presidential candidate and former President Donald Trump dances off stage at the end of a campaign rally at the Grappone Convention Center on Friday, Jan. 19, 2024, in Concord, New Hampshire.
Republican National Committee Chairman Joe Gruters says the GOP midterm election “convention” will be a “Trumpapalooza.” It’d be better if everyone called it that.
American political conventions are one of the best examples — among way too many — of American institutional decay.
In the 19th century and much of the 20th century, the quadrennial party conventions were indispensable pieces of political technology. I mean that literally. Traditionally, conventions were where party stakeholders — elected officials, party bosses, etc. — chose the nominee. Factions representing regions, interests, even ideas (how quaint!) would debate and horse-trade with each other, sometimes over days of voting, to name someone the party could get behind.
That system started to atrophy in the 1930s, as Michael Barone, the great political analyst, has argued, because of the telephone. The kind of negotiating required for a nominee to win support was impossible to do by letter. It took too long, and besides, putting things in writing risked exposing deals and other favor-trading for which savvy politicians would never want a paper trail. You had to do it face-to-face.
“The conventions were thus communication devices,” Barone writes, “in which campaign managers assessed candidates’ strength — and responded. Votes would be held back, so as to show momentum on later ballots. Favorite-son candidacies would be launched, in the hopes that they could be withdrawn later for reward or parlayed into a dark-horse nomination. No one had an accurate idea of how many delegates candidates had.”
The telephone changed that. In 1936, President Roosevelt used the new technology of long-distance calling to organize support well in advance of the convention.
Polling, and then television, further sapped away the function of conventions. Who needs party bosses to tell you the mood of the rank and file, when polling can deliver a much richer picture? Why put floor fights and other fodder for opponents on TV? Better to offer a picture of solidarity and excitement.
But the real death knell came in 1972 with the “reforms” promulgated by Democrat George McGovern, which were quickly adopted by the GOP. These reforms — which I think were deformations of our democratic system — took the power to nominate a candidate away from the stakeholders and gave it to rank-and-file voters. We thus became the first and one of the only advanced democracies where parties can no longer choose their own candidates.
I think that was a disaster, but that’s a column for another time. One of the consequences of that disaster was that party conventions essentially became infomercials ratifying a fait accompli. The brokered convention — even the prospect for one — is gone now, replaced by a coronation.
But at least the coronation still serves a purpose. It’s still a necessary function of our electoral system. A boring, intelligence-insulting, performative function, but a function all the same.
This midterm “convention” isn’t even that. No one will be formally nominated. It’s just an opportunity for President Trump to put on a show — about himself.
Defenders might say there’s precedent for this, but their argument proves my point about decay. Democrats in 1974, 1978 and 1982 had midterm conventions. But those conventions involved various committee meetings in which party rules and resolutions were proposed and debated.
In 1978, President Carter defended the midterm convention.
“I believe it is very important for me, as a president, and also as head of the Democratic Party, to have my success and failures assessed objectively and openly by Democrats representing the grassroots of our party around the nation,” Carter said. “I think that was done in a very forthcoming way.”
The Washington Post reported that John C. White, the Democratic Party chairman, was worried that delegate disputes could “turn the convention into a public relations failure.”
“Of course we have a broad range of opinions on some issues within our party,” White said. “But if we get foolish, if we go beyond proper political division and look quarrelsome, these are things that could hurt the Democratic Party and the Democratic president.”
If you think the Dallas Trumpalooza is going to include an open and objective discussion of Trump’s failures, or feature even the slightest political division, I want to congratulate you for having just emerged from a decade-long coma.
This is a commercial with a live studio audience and nothing more. Indeed, the rot of our political institutions on display is not confined to the GOP. One of the featured keynote speakers is Attorney General Todd Blanche. Whether the already ethically compromised AG’s appearance at an expressly partisan event is a violation of the Hatch Act is something for the lawyers to debate. But the spirit of it is grotesque, and a sign that our parties aren’t the only institutions that have lost their way.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.
Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth speaks during a meeting with Australia's Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defense Richard Marles at the Pentagon in Washington, D.C., on Sept. 2, 2026.
“Muscles, dudes in dresses, testosterone.”
That’s how one European defense official described the priorities of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, according to a bombshell new report from CNN on the growing concern inside the U.S. military over Hegseth’s leadership.
Hegseth might not disagree with the characterization. He’s made it his mission to focus his attention on the culture wars, wokeism, DEI, and what soldiers look like, and it’s creating “turbulence” inside the military he oversees.
Recent high-profile resignations and firings by Hegseth have also brought increased scrutiny at the Pentagon, with Army Secretary Dan Driscoll abruptly announcing he was leaving this week.
“You’re taking away three of the most seasoned combat leaders of a generation who are in a unique position to articulate battlefield requirements,” a former Army official said of Hegseth’s “forced exits” of Army Chief of Staff Randy George, former head of U.S. Army Europe and Africa Gen. Christopher Donahue, and former commander of U.S. Army Transformation and Training Command Gen. David Hodne.
This all comes against the backdrop of what is perceived as an increasingly unwinnable and also unendable Iran war, which is losing support by the day.
In March, opposition to the war was at 47.3%, and now, six months later, it’s at 55.7%.
None of this is helpful for Republicans who are campaigning in tight and uphill contests all over the country. They are already having to defend President Trump’s tariffs and burgeoning trade war with Canada, his impolitic comments about affordability “hoaxes,” and the sense that his priorities — building ballrooms and hosting UFC fights — are out of whack with voters.
The never-ending war in Iran is the last thing they want to be talking about.
Hopes that Trump can effectively wind the war down before the midterms have been whittled down to a nub — prediction markets don’t have peace talks occurring until 2027.
But he could make a move that improves the politics of this quagmire for him and Republicans in time for elections: fire Hegseth.
Hegseth’s net approval is at a miserable -22 — well below other Trump cabinet officials, including Health and Human Services Secretary Bobby Kennedy Jr.
His own commanders are publicly voicing their concerns about his leadership. Reports of critical shortages of missiles and other materials are bringing into question our military’s readiness. And stories of hellish conditions aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln, including attempts by multiple sailors to jump overboard, are dogging Hegseth’s tenure. Not to mention earlier scandals over legally questionable drug boat strikes and improper use of Signal chats.
A change in leadership would have the practical effect of restoring order to the Defense Department, and the political effect of changing the narrative for Trump and Republicans at a crucial time, just two months before midterm elections.
Hegseth doesn’t want to do this job anyway, it appears. Despite being busy prosecuting a war that’s disrupted the global economy, killed and injured hundreds of U.S. troops, and made the region far more dangerous for our allies, he’s been seen on the campaign trail, stumping for candidates in Iowa and Kentucky — explicitly partisan, political moves that other Pentagon leaders have always avoided.
“We’re restoring the warrior ethos inside our department because that matters. We need guys like this man right here having our back in Congress,” he said of Rep. Zach Nunn in August.
As long as I’ve known him, Pete has wanted to run for president, and he’s reportedly said as much to friends and colleagues.
So Trump should do him, Republicans, and all Americans a favor, and cut him loose so he can go back to Fox News and focus on the things that matter to him: muscles, dudes in dresses, and testosterone.
S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.
An opinion essay traces America's cycle of welcoming immigrants and communities of color for labor, then excluding them once they gain power.
The politics of exclusion is the deliberate use of power to push certain communities out of the American story through fear, cruelty, erasure, and unequal treatment. It is what happens when leaders abandon constitutional ideals and replace them with grievance, retaliation, and division.
The late John McCain warned that we weaken our greatness when we confuse patriotism with tribalism. Liz Cheney cautioned that no one should support a leader who uses fear and division to hold onto power. Adam Kinzinger called it authoritarianism. Mitt Romney said plainly, “He has caused fear and division.” Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez observed that “the cruelty is the point,” and the late John Lewis reminded us that “democracy is not a state; it is an act.” Together, these voices describe the elephant in the room. America is confronting a pattern bigger than corruption and bigger than authoritarian drift. It is the social, racial, and moral dimension of democratic erosion — lying, cheating, cruelty, intimidation, erasure, and exclusion masquerading as patriotism.
America has always lived under two sets of rules: the stated rules and the unstated rules. The stated rules are written in the Constitution — equality, liberty, justice, representation, and the promise that every person belongs. But people of color have always lived under a second set of rules: belonging is conditional, progress can trigger punishment, success can provoke resentment, safety is not guaranteed, and history can be erased when it becomes inconvenient. Now a third set of rules is emerging — the authoritarian rules. Divide people so they cannot unite. Erase history so children cannot learn. Intimidate communities so they cannot rise. Rewrite truth so no one can hold leaders accountable. These rules depend on fear, confusion, erasure, and the belief that some Americans are more American than others.
Trump has demonstrated these authoritarian rules repeatedly. Investigations report that he has used executive power to exclude immigrants, restrict who can enter the country, and expand enforcement in ways that disproportionately harm people of color. Analysts note that he frames certain immigrants as threats while welcoming others who serve his political or financial interests. This selective acceptance is a hallmark of authoritarian systems. Even members of his own party showed visible discomfort. When the late Senator Lindsey Graham defended the president’s falsehoods or cruelty, his body language told a different story — the hesitation in his eyes, the tension in his shoulders, the way he swallowed before speaking. Many say it looked as if he had surrendered his integrity to something he could not name.
Recent reports continue to document harsh treatment of immigrants in detention, including allegations of abuse, inadequate medical care, and prolonged confinement. Civil rights groups note that oversight remains inconsistent and many complaints still go unresolved. History shows that similar abuses occurred during slavery, where dehumanization was used as a tool of control. The tactics repeat: degrade, intimidate, silence, erase.
Sometimes history shapes behavior, and sometimes it shapes harm. Reports show that Donald Trump’s father, Fred Trump, was arrested at a 1927 KKK‑related event in Queens, and that the family’s housing practices later faced federal scrutiny for refusing to rent to Black tenants. Whether or not these events explain Donald Trump’s behavior toward people of color, they form part of a documented pattern — one that many communities recognize immediately. People like Trump do not want history known. He comes from a family of immigrants, yet works to erase the histories of others. They water down textbooks, restrict curriculum, and silence teachers because they do not want children to learn the truth — that America has a long record of using immigrant labor to build the nation and then pushing those same communities out once they begin to thrive.
History makes the pattern impossible to ignore. Chinese immigrants built the Transcontinental Railroad and were later barred by the Chinese Exclusion Act. Mexican laborers were brought into the United States to meet agricultural and industrial demand, only to be ousted when their labor was no longer politically convenient. The cycle repeated with the Immigration Act of 1924, which sharply restricted immigration from non‑European countries. Haitian families helped revitalize cities after natural disasters, only to see their federal Temporary Protected Status abruptly ended. The pattern is always the same: when the nation needs labor, it brings immigrants in. When those immigrants begin to succeed, build communities, and gain stability, they are pushed out. Demand creates welcome; progress triggers rejection. Immigrants strengthen the country, and when they begin to do well, they are ousted. This is the politics of exclusion.
The consequences fall hardest on people of color and immigrants. Many Black Americans say they are not asking for special treatment; they are asking for a fair chance. They have always been among America’s hardest workers, building the country in ways often overlooked. Yet many now feel pushed out, erased, or caught in the middle of political battles they did not create. A Black man in Georgia told me, “No matter how much Trump tries to destroy us and turn us against each other, America remains the shiny city on the hill. We love our neighbors no matter what shade or creed. We all belong here.” A Black woman in Florida shared, “My forefathers were still slaves when the Declaration of Independence was signed, but my ancestors fought that I might be free. They cannot erase my history.” A Native American man said, “They try to push us out, but we were here first.” A Latina woman said she no longer felt part of the country — not because of her own choices, but because of the president’s words and ICE’s actions.
Across generations, people of color are a foundational part of America’s history. They built this country, defended it, fed it, taught it, healed it, and sustained it. They must remember their contributions and their worth. They must not allow anyone — not even a president who does not understand the value of diversity — to make them feel lesser. Healing the divide begins with truth and courage. Empathy is the first step. People must listen to one another’s lived experiences across racial lines. Storytelling breaks stereotypes and restores belonging. The country must confront systemic racism directly. Racism is embedded in education, housing, employment, and policing. Removing overtly racist laws is not enough. We must strengthen civil rights protections, expand economic opportunity, and ensure equal access to justice.
Communities need safe spaces to talk — schools, workplaces, churches, and civic groups where people can discuss race, privilege, and bias without fear. Grassroots engagement is essential. Cross‑cultural mentorship programs, joint civic projects, interfaith councils, and neighborhood coalitions build trust and shared purpose. Institutions must be held accountable. Independent oversight bodies can ensure policies serve the public interest, not political convenience. Education must tell the truth. Curricula should reflect diverse histories and perspectives. Representation matters in government, media, business, and community leadership. Economic inequality must be addressed. Investment in underserved communities, fair wages, and access to quality education reduce resentment and build shared prosperity. And finally, the people must use the most powerful tool they have — the vote. Guardrails exist — oversight, accountability, and when necessary, impeachment — but none of them work unless the people insist on them.
America’s story is not defined by cruelty, division, or exclusion. It is defined by the people who refuse to let those forces win. The people who rise. The people who remember. The people who stand. Democracy survives when we show up — and we must show up now.
Carolyn Goode is a retired educational leader and technical writer whose work centers on civic responsibility and democratic engagement.
U.S. President Donald Trump speaks during a“ Steel Across America” event ahead of the 25th anniversary of the Sept. 11th attacks on the Ellipse near the White House on Sept. 8, 2026 in Washington, D.C. President Trump welcomed 9/ 11 first responders to the Tunnel to Towers Foundation’ s“ Steel Across America” event featuring a 16,900- pound, 21- foot steel beam recovered.
For Trump, even 9/11 is an opportunity
There was a reason organizers of the 9/11 ceremony in Manhattan told President Trump he could not speak at this year’s memorial service.
A good one, it turns out.
Because in a speech he gave on Tuesday in Washington, he did exactly what they were presumably worried about — he made it about himself.
According to The New York Times, Trump had wanted a speaking role at the service, but the National Sept. 11 Memorial and Museum, which oversees the site, said no, as they’ve maintained for the past decade-plus that the venue and event should be nonpartisan.
Trump has long used awful tragedies to either puff himself up, trash political opponents, or sell lies to the American people.
He blamed a deadly plane crash at Washington National Airport last year on diversity, equity and inclusion policies. He blamed Puerto Ricans for the devastation they endured after Hurricane Maria in 2017. He reportedly considered withholding disaster relief after the California wildfires based on the way affected regions voted. In an interview on Fox News meant to commemorate the 75th anniversary of D-Day in Normandy, he used the occasion to slam former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi…with graves of the dead behind him.
And now, as we approach the 25th anniversary of what many New Yorkers consider the darkest day in modern history, Trump has done it again.
He told a rambling, nonsensical story — one he’s told before — about going to Ground Zero just after terrorists flew two commercial jets into the twin towers. In the story, which no one has been able to verify, despite multiple attempts, he says firefighters had to carry him out of One Liberty Plaza, also known as the U.S. Steel Building, because they thought it was about to collapse.
As CNN fact checker Daniel Dale notes, there’s no evidence Trump went into this building, especially at a time when NYPD and NYFD had locked down the area. There’s no evidence that building was collapsing — in fact, it was deemed structurally sound and reopened within two months of the attacks. There’s no evidence he was carried out of it by firefighters.
But the lie isn’t even the worst part. Pretend it was all true — why would the leader of our country, and a New Yorker, decide to make that tragic day about himself?
Because that’s who Donald Trump is. He’s a malignant narcissist.
He’s also, incidentally, a terrible and ineffectual president, who’s made ill-fated decisions that he has to keep defending, and there’s nothing he won’t do to make himself look and feel better.
Within the first two minutes of his speech, he was cravenly using 9/11 to justify and promote his dumb war in Iran — two events separated by 25 years and 6,000 miles.
“And I will tell you, we’re right now fighting because we have a certain nation that wanted a nuclear weapon, they were very close to getting it, and now they have no chance at getting it. They will never have a nuclear weapon. Iran will not have a nuclear weapon. And they’ve been punished greatly. As you know, we’ve really taken it to them.”
As a New Yorker who lived through 9/11, still one of the worst days of my life, I’m utterly sickened by Trump’s crass, political, and self-promotional framing of that awful day.
And I’m relieved he won’t be given a platform to do it again on Friday’s anniversary in lower Manhattan.
Because for Trump, everything is his for the taking, and absolutely nothing is sacred.
S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.