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Donald Trump's violent legacy
Oct 31, 2024
Monti is a professor of sociology at Saint Louis University.
Donald Trump presents himself as the greatest defender of American democracy since Abraham Lincoln. His monumental conceit might be dismissed out of hand, except for this: There is some merit to his boast. Surely not in the edifying way he intends but still deserving more serious attention than many Americans would be inclined to give it.
At the heart of the violent legacies left by Lincoln and Trump is the problem of order: imagining the kind of people Americans should become and harnessing the energy of a restive population whose own views on that question could not be ignored.
Lincoln’s presidency brought longstanding and increasingly volatile disagreements on both matters to a head. He could not avoid a Civil War that for a time broke the Union he had sworn to keep intact. In the end, however, the violent resolution to their disagreements tested but ultimately reaffirmed the resilience of our most crucial governing customs and institutions.
As president, Trump and his supporters had a much less inclusive idea about the kind of people they wanted Americans to become. They worked tirelessly to celebrate divisiveness and promote disunity. In the end, however, the short-lived insurrection and attempted coup d’etat he fomented in 2021 only succeeded in reaffirming the legitimacy of the same political customs and institutions that Lincoln gave his life to protect.
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The question raised by such a counterintuitive outcome is important, especially considering the political discord and threats of renewed civil unrest and violence some Americans fear is on its way and others hope to use to their advantage.
How could civil unrest and mass violence undertaken with such radically different views about the kind of people Americans should become end up reaffirming rather than undermining the same conventional political values, customs and norms?
My answer to this question is different — a lot different — from the ones being advanced by all the people talking about Trump’s ongoing challenges to election integrity. At the heart of my answer is an unheralded fact about the kinds of public trouble Americans have customarily made on the streets of our towns and cities. It isn’t as unhinged or consequential as we have been taught to believe.
It turns out that Americans are very good at making crowds and using unrest and violence to express their discontent over the ways their leaders behave. We are unpracticed and really bad at making coup d’etats and staging insurrections that topple governments.
There’s something else to bear in mind when we think about the damage that might be done in a second insurrection or an attempted coup d’etat. In the last half-century, Americans have shown themselves to be more reluctant to lay down their own lives or to take someone else’s life in the name of all the causes we take up.
As much as Americans might love or hate Trump, they are not inclined to kill each other to make their feelings clear. The kind of civil unrest Americans practice these days is a great deal less deadly and generally just more civil than it used to be.
It is important to keep this in mind as we try to figure out how likely and bad a second Capitol insurrection would be.
To be sure, the politically inspired unrest and violence of 2020 and 2021 were unprecedented and scary. Given the short time Trump’s first insurrection lasted and how spectacularly his attempted coup d’etat failed, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that neither he nor his supporters in 2021 were as committed to turning our political customs and government institutions as upside down as they made out. They were ready for a street brawl, not a full-fledged political insurrection and coup d’etat.
Skipping ahead to the current election season, Trump has already seen that a second call to arms is unlikely to be as successful as the ones he made in 2020 and 2021. Despite his public pleas, for example, Trump’s supporters didn’t surround the courthouse where his financial misdeeds were being scrutinized this year, and his 2024 rallies aren’t as full as they were four years ago. People also are leaving them well before Trump stops speaking or dancing.
Any attempt to overthrow the government a second time would be likely to end even before it began. Trump didn’t have the support of military leaders to back up his assault on the Capitol in 2021. He would face much stiffer and immediate resistance from civil and military leaders if he tried to pull off a second one in 2025.
This won’t stop Trump from trying again, of course. I believe there will be a second reckoning of some kind in 2025.
Serious scholars and political commentators have warned us this reckoning was coming. They weren’t surprised by Trump’s open embrace of authoritarian values and reactionary policies in the Project 2025 manifesto. The same goes for his courting of violence.
The people warning us about the Trump reboot and its impact on our politics have drawn parallels between his behavior and that exhibited by authoritarian leaders in other countries. They argue further that America came perilously close to going down that road in 2021.
Their concerns are warranted and the evidence backing them up is sobering.
My reading of history, however, suggests that their arguments are more sobering than the evidence is compelling. The reason why has nothing to do with the seriousness of the threat or that law enforcement agencies won’t be prepared this time to repel a violent challenge to the integrity of our elections and the peaceful transfer of power to a new national government.
My prediction of a second failed insurrection, if one happens at all, is that =Trump doesn’t know much about the history of social and political unrest in this country or thinks he can defy the lessons it teaches us. Either way, he won’t be any happier with the results this time than he was in 2021.
The prospect of his failure is written all over our history of social and political unrest.
People and organizations involved in violent encounters with groups they don’t like, leaders they hold in contempt, and public practices they find offensive end their attacks quickly and achieve few, if any, of the goals they set for themselves and the accommodations they demanded.
Even the most dramatic and upsetting social unrest and public violence we see these days reveals something historians have long understood.
People are far less invested in turning the world upside down than in nudging their way into the conversation about the direction they want their communities and governments to move.
This isn’t the violent legacy Donald Trump would have preferred to leave the rest of us to build on. But it’s the best one he could have left us.
Americans, it seems, can live with a lot of social and political upheaval because the people acting out had far more modest goals in mind than their intemperate rhetoric and actions suggested. We would be well advised to keep this in mind as we come to the closing moments of the 2024 election.
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Congress is losing some of its best players this year
Oct 28, 2024
Fitch is a former CEO of the Congressional Management Foundation and a former Capitol Hill staffer.
The college basketball world got a jolt to its system this month when beloved University of Virginia coach Tony Bennett announced his retirement. A big loss for the Cavaliers, and even a loss for the sport. When great leaders or players leave an industry, it can cause significant harm for their organization and the people they serve.
Similarly, at the end of the 118th Congress, the House and Senate will lose a greater number of “superstar players” than at almost any other time in recent memory. Most of these public servants are not household names, yet that is the definition of a “workhorse” in Congress (in contrast to a “show horse”). They show up, put their heads together and hammer out bill after bill to benefit the American people.
While many of the retiring lawmakers are laudable, here are four who have made outstanding contributions to their constituents and the nation.
Rep. Derek Kilmer (D-Wash.) has served in the House for 10 years, after 10 years in the Washington Legislature. In 2019 Kilmer was tapped to lead a new ad-hoc panel, the Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress. After its first year, The Washington Post called it “the most important committee you’ve never heard of.” The evenly split panel adopted more than 200 recommendations to improve Congress as an institution, and always with an eye towards improving services to constituents.
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In every facet of operation, the committee broke the rules and pulled down partisan barriers. Instead of using the traditional hearing room dais to sit above their witnesses and audience, they all sat around a table together. Instead of two partisan staffs, they had one bipartisan staff. At hearings they didn’t divide into two camps, but instead sat next to each other, Democrat next to Republican. Collectively, the recommendations will strengthen Congress, allow constituents to have a greater voice in government and lead to better service to (and representation of) the American people.
Rep. Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.) arrived in Congress in 2005, at age 29, as a bit of a partisan firebrand and the youngest member of Congress. As he grew into the job, and rose in GOP leadership ranks, time seemed to soften his approach. In 2020 he did not join his fellow Republicans in voting against the certification of Joe Biden’s election.
And in 2023 he assumed the important role of chairman of the Financial Services Committee. While holding ideological views, McHenry was credited with shepherding bipartisan legislation through the committee, often to the displeasure of more partisan elements of his party. His cooling demeanor may be why he was selected as speaker pro tempore when Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) was forced out of his position in 2023.
One columnist noted of McHenry’s career, “In like a thespian, out like a Madisonian.” This may be why the Congressional Management Foundation selected McHenry for a Lifetime Achievement Democracy Award in 2024.
The retirement of Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R-Wash.) is another great loss to Congress. A conservative on many issues, she also built bipartisan relationships as a member of the moderate Republican Main Street Caucus. McMorris Rodgers also pushed innovation in the institution of Congress. She famously quipped that Congress is a “19th century institution using 20th century technology to respond to 21st century problems.”
She broke glass ceilings in her rise to power, becoming the first woman to chair the powerful Energy and Commerce Committee. She also holds a distinction no other person can claim: While in the House of Representatives she birthed three children!
Throughout her five decades in public service, Sen. Debbie Stabenow (D-Mich.) has been a champion of manufacturing and agriculture in Michigan. “We don’t have an economy unless somebody makes something and somebody grows something,” she said. In the Senate she helped write the Affordable Care Act and passed major reforms to bring down the cost of health insurance and prescription drugs and to require health insurance plans to cover maternity care.
She was the first woman to chair a county board of commissioners in Michigan in the 1970s, first woman to preside over the Michigan House of Representatives, and first woman elected to the Senate from Michigan in 2001.
Any team that loses star players is much less likely to succeed in the next season. For Congress, and the country, 2025 will likely be a rebuilding year for democracy.
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Meet the Faces of Democracy: Julie Wise
Oct 17, 2024
Minkin is a research associate at Issue One. Clapp is the campaign manager for election protection at Issue One. Whaley is the director of election protection at Issue One. Van Voorhis is a research intern at Issue One. Beckel is the research director for Issue One.
Julie Wise, who is not registered with any political party, has more than 24 years of election administration experience. Since 2000, she has worked for the board of elections in King County, Wash., an area that includes Seattle and is home to about 1.4 million registered voters. In 2015, she was elected the director of elections in a nonpartisan race, earning 72 percent of the vote. She was reelected in 2019 and 2023, when she garnered 84 percent of the vote.
King is the most populous county in Washington and ranks as the 13th largest in the country. In 2011, Washington became the second state in the nation, after Oregon, to conduct elections nearly exclusively by mail ballot, meaning Wise supervises election administration processes in one of the largest vote-by-mail jurisdictions in the country.
A passionate advocate for increasing voter accessibility, Wise has pioneered numerous initiatives and reforms to remove barriers to voting. She has added four non-English languages to King County’s full-service language suite, increased the number of ballot drop boxes from 10 to more than 75, and successfully advocated to the state Legislature for prepaid return postage for Washington’s vote-by-mail system. She has also testified to the Legislature about the importance of the re-enfranchisement of Washington residents convicted of a felony.
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Additionally, Wise has worked to expand voter outreach and education through the Voter Education Fund, a first-of-its-kind, public-philanthropic partnership that provides funds and training to community organizations in King County doing nonpartisan voter registration and education work in historically marginalized communities.
Over the years, she has earned numerous awards and accolades for her work, including the Washington chapter of the Korean American Coalition’s Rocky Kim Pioneer Award, the Election Center Democracy Award, the 2019 Fix Democracy First Elected Official of the Year, and the Voter Outreach Award from the Washington secretary of state in both 2017 and 2021.
Wise — an avid hiker and self-described “farm girl at heart” — has been part of Issue One’s Faces of Democracy campaign since 2023, advocating for protections for election workers and for regular, predictable and sufficient federal funding of elections.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
Issue One: How did you end up in this profession?
Julie Wise: Like a lot of election administrators, I ended up in this profession by happenstance. In early 2000, I was going to university, and I needed a job. I saw the county was hiring for that upcoming presidential election. They needed help answering phones in their phone bank. I was immediately hooked.
I loved the opportunity to be of service to my community, and I also saw an opportunity to streamline a process. I am a big geek when it comes to improving processes that could be more accessible for voters and easier for election administrators.
I also fell in love with the people. This industry really attracts some of the funniest, smartest, giving people, and that really drew me to this work. I started in 2000, and 24 years later, I have not left.
IO: Which part of the election administration story, in Washington specifically, do you think is not told enough or widely understood enough?
JW: The people who run our elections are professionals. Election administrators are trained and often certified on the state and national level. It’s really important for folks to realize that election administrators are not volunteers. These are individuals that are passionate about their careers and about counting every single vote. They are nonpartisan civil servants who are drawn to this work because they want to make sure that the voices of their community are being heard.
Also, election administrators are members of the community. They are the folks that are in line at the grocery store with you. They are in PTA meetings with you. They are your mothers, your grandfathers, your brothers, your sisters. Sometimes that gets lost, that we are human beings, and that what drives us to this work is a passion for democracy. We're trained, professional, certified election administrators that really believe in democracy.
We believe democracy is at its finest when all voices are heard. Our goal is always to increase access, meaning that we're removing barriers because we want you to be able to use your voice. We don't care how you vote. We just want to make sure that you do vote and that you show up. Accurate, secure and transparent elections and at the core of what we do. I think sometimes that gets lost in the narrative, especially as of late.
IO: How are you working to bring more transparency to the world of election administration?
JW: At King County Elections, we believe in radical transparency, and how we live that is by providing ultimate access.
When a voter puts their ballot into a mailbox or into one of our secure official ballot drop boxes, there's sort of this void of not knowing what happens next to the ballot. There are so many detailed steps and processes that happen to the ballot after that critical moment of a voter submitting it that we want to make sure that people have transparency around.
If you're going to buy into the election system, you need to see and understand what that looks like. We’re removing the curtain, if you will, as to what's happening during ballot processing. We do this in many different ways.
We were one of the first counties in the country to provide web cameras to live stream our staff hard at work at each of those key processes and steps of when the ballot gets back to the elections facility. We've also provided radical transparency to our media. We welcome our media into our facility. We provide real access to all of the operations.
Another key component is our observer program, a nationally award-winning program that we're very proud of. We have a program where we provide ample opportunity for both of our major political parties, the Democratic Party and the Republican Party, as well as a nonpartisan observer program that's run through the League of Women Voters to ensure that we've got observers here in our elections office watching the process.
Another thing that I just absolutely love is that when we designed our facilities, our headquarters for King County Elections, we thought about transparency. We have a literally transparent, Plexiglass loop where folks can come in and watch us processing ballots.
We have nothing to hide, and we want people to be able to see their elections at work. You can give yourself a self-guided tour. We've got touch screen units across that fifth-of-a-mile loop so voters can understand what's happening at each step of the process.
We also love to provide tours ourselves. These transparency measures really help make things click for people about the election process.
IO: How many voters are on the roll in your jurisdiction and what are the main challenges of a jurisdiction of that size?
JW: King County makes up about a third of the voters in Washington, at about 1.4 million registered voters, and we have some of the most diverse ZIP codes in the entire country. We have over 180 languages spoken here in King County.
One of the opportunities and challenges that we have in King County is making sure that our voters have access to the key critical election data, material and information. We provide translated materials in seven different languages. Pamphlets, ballots and any correspondence will be in their preferred language. We also provide a host of other brochures and forms and online voter registration access in dozens of languages. Making sure that folks can understand the election process is really critical, especially if English is not your first language.
It's one thing to provide translation and interpretation services. It is another thing to make sure your community knows that those options exist. One of the ways in which we have really worked with getting key information into limited-English-speaking communities is a program that is very near and dear to my heart. In 2016, after I first got elected, one of the languages we were translating ballot materials into was Vietnamese. I went and spoke to a group of about 200 Vietnamese community members, and I asked by show of hands how many knew that we provided ballot materials in their language. One person raised their hand.
King County goes above and beyond. We don't wait for the Department of Justice to tell us what languages we should provide election materials in. We go ahead, and we look at the data from school districts, courts and jails, and we go ahead and add those languages.
One of the things we started was a Voter Education Fund, where we have trusted messengers in the community. How you engage with the Somali community is different than how you engage with the Chinese community — which is different from engaging with the youth, low income or incarcerated communities. You have to have unique plans to reach and engage each of those communities in a meaningful way.
That is a hard lift for election offices to do when their core job responsibility is to run accurate, secure elections. But we must take a step back and empower the amazing community-based organizations we have that have been doing work in their respective communities for decades. King County provides $1 million every two years to community-based organizations to get out the vote, to engage with those communities, to reach out to folks to let them know we have materials in different languages, to demystify the election process and to encourage them not only to vote, but to run for office — because we know that's another key component about engaging in elections.
IO: Many people are surprised to learn the federal government doesn't routinely fund the costs of running elections. What is the price tag of running an election in your jurisdiction and where does funding for election administration come from?
JW: Consistent, reliable funding is critical to running accurate, secure and transparent elections. We're fortunate in King County, for the most part. We've got a budget of about $20 million annually, and we get about 50 percent of that as revenue from the jurisdictions that we run elections for. We have some major players, though, that do not pay for their elections, like the federal government. That impacts all of us, but especially those rural small counties that do not have consistent, reliable funding.
The federal government is the only jurisdiction in Washington state that is not footing the bill for their elections that we are running. There are a lot of grant opportunities, which are fabulous and those are welcomed by election administrators, but grant opportunities are very hard to budget and plan for. When you do not know how much money you're going to get, you're hoping and praying that you're going to be able to get funding to keep staff safe. That's not okay.
Elections are the foundation of our democracy. If we want to make sure that we've got good, consistent, reliable systems — from technology to safety to staffing — we need to be able to have reliable funding.
It's not fair that you have a district with a thousand voters that's paying their fair share of the elections, but you've got federal races on the ballot and the federal government is not paying for those.
IO: What should the federal government do to make sure that they're routinely paying their fair share for election administration costs?
JW: Funding needs to be a regular budget line item. Funding for critical elections infrastructure should not be an afterthought, or just grant programs, or just sporadic funding during presidential elections. We run federal elections every two years. Any election administrator will tell you that as soon as we finish this presidential election, we are right onto planning the next election. It takes that much time and effort.
My No. 1 priority this presidential election is keeping my staff and my voters safe. These are people that are devoted and dedicated to the cause of democracy. We need to protect them. Reliable, consistent funding would really help with that. If we fundamentally believe that everyone has a right to the ballot box, then we really need to put our money behind that.
IO: As the presidential election approaches, there has been a lot of concern across the country from election administrators about the use of deepfakes and generative artificial intelligence spreading false information about the election process. What concerns do you have about these threats, and how has Washington been able to provide resources to curb your concerns about them?
JW: As technology evolves, we’ve got to be preparing and planning. When we talk about AI, and we talk about going into a presidential election, one of the things that we did at King County Elections was tabletop exercises about crisis scenarios. We have also been monitoring information.
There are pros to AI, but I think that we have to be very cognizant and very aware of AI and deepfake activities that could manipulate the election. It is critically important for us to be able to get ahead of it.
I'm also really proud of the work that we've done in our state legislature ahead of this. Washington Secretary of State Steve Hobbs made a legislation request of Senate Bill 5152 this last legislative session. This bill prohibits political campaigns from using realistic but false images, videos or audio to deliberately spread election disinformation.
IO: We have seen a rise in threats, harassment, and intimidation of election officials and election workers this year as a result of the spread of false election information. Earlier this year, House Bill 1241 was signed into law in Washington state, which made it a class C felony to threaten an election worker in writing or in person. How will this legislation help protect election workers? And what more do you believe is needed to protect election workers and election officials?
JW: That legislation was requested by myself and the other local election officials in Washington. We told the Legislature that we really need to be protecting our election administrators — not just the elected folks that run the elections, but all of our election administration staff. We had a great law in place that made it a felony if you harassed someone in person, but we needed to tie up the loose ends to include virtual harassment of people in writing.
Here in King County, last year, we received two envelopes threatening us, and unfortunately both of those envelopes contained fentanyl. It is incredibly important for us to continue to have the help of local, federal and state law enforcement to really make sure that we're helping our local election offices be prepared for scenarios like this or other scenarios that can happen.
Again, it goes back to funding. We need reliable, federal funding to be able to make sure that our elections facilities can handle things like fentanyl-laced envelopes, active shooter trainings and security measures like bulletproof glass in front of our elections facilities. Those are all costly things, but they are critically important to safeguarding our elections, our staff and our voters. We need to see more reliable funding, and we need to see consistent laws across this country about protecting our election administrators and protecting our voters when they're accessing the ballot box.
IO: How are you coordinating with law enforcement to increase the safety of your communities and of elections? And how do you approach communicating about the presence of law enforcement at polling places to your community?
JW: It's such a delicate balance. We want to make sure that voters are safe and that our staff are safe, but we also want to make sure that that doesn't deter people from voting. When we do hire law enforcement, we work with law enforcement to talk candidly about how body language, or the literal physical positioning of where their cars are, can be perceived as more intimidating for our voters. It's being very cognizant of that and being very mindful. We also provide all of our law enforcement with election law books. They are not always dealing with election laws, so we educate them.
Also, I meet every month with what we call the Elections Incident Response Team, which is made up of federal, county and local law enforcement. I'm a subject matter expert in elections. They're a subject matter expert in protecting our community. We get everyone in the room together once a month and talk about what we're hearing at the federal and local level. We're all working together so that we're fully connected.
IO: Given all of these challenges, what has inspired you to stay in this line of work for more than 20 years?
JW: The people. I find joy in working with both voters and the staff.
What also fills my cup is when I talk to community members and a person has just been naturalized, getting the right to vote and getting to see how excited they are to be able to get their ballot and vote [for the first time]. Those sort of things remind me of why we're doing this work and what we're here for.
Also, I'm a person who loves change and continuous improvement. There are always ways for us to do elections better — better access for our voters, more streamlined, quicker election results. All of those things really make me geek out and really interest me.
I joke sometimes that I'm not leaving until I get 100 percent voter registration of eligible voters in King County and 100 percent turnout. Those are always going to be my goals. When you remove barriers to voter access, people will show up and make their voices heard. That brings me to tears. It gives me goosebumps to think that we were part of that.
IO: Outside of being passionate about running safe and secure elections, what are some of your hobbies and what is a fun fact that most people might not know about you?
JW: I am an avid hiker. I absolutely love to be outdoors. I also love my puppy that I got a couple of months ago. I live very close to the Puget Sound, and I love to start my day with a cup of coffee and grounding myself and meditating on the beach and watching my goofy dog chase seagulls.
Something else that people might not know about me is that I'm a farm girl at heart. I know how to show a hog. I know how to shear a sheep. I know how to milk a goat.
IO: What is your favorite book or movie?
JW: I usually have a nonfiction book in one hand and a self-help book in the other. I think “The Four Agreements” is one of the best books of all time. As for movies, my favorite is probably “The Usual Suspects.”
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Is 'just war' just?
Oct 11, 2024
Johnson is a United Methodist pastor, the author of "Holding Up Your Corner: Talking About Race in Your Community" and program director for the Bridge Alliance, which houses The Fulcrum.
As rockets are once again streaking across the skies of the Middle East and the cries of the bereaved echo through its ravaged streets, the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.'s words and teachings reverberate like a mournful prayer in my spirit. They stir within me a deep sociopolitical and theological question, "Is 'just war' just?”
In this ongoing conflict, as in all wars, nation-states are forced to confront the terrible paradox of the just war theory — that the pursuit of justice can sometimes demand the violence it seeks to vanquish.
Just war doctrine roots trace back to the writings of St. Augustine and St, Thomas Aquinas. Augustine argued that war could be a purpose for the restoration of peace, while Aquinas' commentary is often interpreted as giving allowance to war. Though war was thought to be an inherent evil, there were certain conditions for its justification, including just cause (self-defense or the protection of innocents), last resort (all peaceful means exhausted), probability of success, proportionality (the ends justify the means) and right intention (the goal is peace, not conquest or domination).
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However, even when these criteria are met, war inevitably brings about indiscriminate suffering, violating the fundamental principle of noncombatant immunity. Presently, Israel and Hamas are claiming cause. Israel argues its right to self-defense against indiscriminate rocket attacks, while Palestinians point to decades of occupation, blockade and creeping annexation.
The moral calculus of war becomes even more fraught when geopolitical alliances are factored in. The United States has long been Israel's staunchest backer, providing billions in military aid each year. This unwavering support, rooted in a complex mix of strategic interests, ideological alignment and domestic political pressures, significantly bolsters Israel's military might. Conversely, Iran supports Hamas and Hezbollah, funneling weapons and cash to bolster their military capabilities. Tehran views these relationships as a means to project power, challenge Israeli dominance and advance its regional agenda. These external influences further complicate the conflict, making a lasting resolution more elusive.
Such patron-client relationships further entrench the conflict, making a lasting resolution more elusive. Over the years, such relations have created a destructive cycle where escalation by one side is met with counter-escalation by the other, fueled by their respective backers; amidst this tangled web of alliances, the humanitarian cost mounts. Innocent civilians are often left to bear the burden of violence. Thus, leaving the international community struggling to navigate these competing interests hampers efforts to broker peaceable solutions. The longer military conflict persists, the greater the moral imperative to protect innocent lives and arrive at a point of just resolution.
Pursuing peace can be supported even at the height of cyclical violence when retribution continues. The efforts of good-faith actors or humanitarians demand more than a mere ceasefire. What is truly necessary is a commitment to address the underlying grievances, the longstanding grievances fueling historic conflict.
Despite its flaws, just war theory, for some, acts as a moral framework for judgment of their actions in the crucible of conflict. But it must be complemented by a tireless dedication to nonviolence and restorative justice championed by prophetic arbitrators like Dr. King and Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel. In reflection of devastation and unrest across the region, we are reminded that justice is not found in the rubble of war but in acknowledging the dignity and sacredness of all human life.
The query is whether war is a just act. It ought to serve as a mirror held up to the soul of humanity in assessing its most authentic reflection. Forcing nations and individuals alike to wrestle with our respective capacity for cruelty and compassion, our penchant for division and our yearning for unity. As allied forces and regional actors involved in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict consider their next moves, pray all remember that true strength lies not in military might but in the courage to choose peace. All parties should prioritize the most vulnerable while seeking to enact justice. A justice that sincerely seeks peace — respecting and embracing all, regardless of their faith or nationality. Only time will tell.
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