It didn’t exactly end well the last time a president declared victory this quickly. On May 1, 2003, President George W. Bush landed on the USS Abraham Lincoln in a flight suit, strutted across the deck for the cameras, then changed into a suit and tie, stood in front of a banner that read “Mission Accomplished,” and declared the end of major combat operations in Iraq. It was 43 days after the invasion began. Over the next eight years, as the conflict devolved into a protracted insurgency and sectarian war, more than 4,300 Americans and hundreds of thousands of Iraqis died.
On April 7, Trump—presumably not wearing a flight suit—declared in a telephone interview with AFP that the United States had achieved victory in Iran. “Total and complete victory. 100 percent. No question about it.” This was the day after the President threatened to destroy a “whole civilization,” hours after a two-week ceasefire was announced. It took six days for the whole thing to fall apart. By April 15, he was back on Fox Business: “We've beaten them militarily, totally. I think it’s close to over.”
In fact, Trump has been declaring some degree of victory since the first bombs. At a rally in Kentucky two weeks in, he told the crowd, “We won. We won the… in the first hour, it was over,” then seemed to catch himself and add, “We got to finish the job, right?” A few days later, he told reporters aboard Air Force One that the US had “essentially defeated Iran” while clumsily allowing they could “have a little bit of fight back.” After a call with Vladimir Putin, he said, “The war is very complete, pretty much.” When the Wall Street Journal's editorial board called it a premature win, he posted, “Actually, it is a Victory.” Asked about negotiations, he said, “Regardless what happens, we win.”
On February 28, 2026, the United States and Israel launched a coordinated air campaign against Iran, assassinating Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and striking military, nuclear, and civilian infrastructure across the country. Thirty-eight days later, Trump announced a ceasefire brokered by Pakistan, declaring that the US had “already met and exceeded all Military objectives.” The facts on the ground are harder to square with that claim, in part because the administration never settled on a clear definition of victory to begin with.
The war aims have shifted and contradicted throughout the conflict: freedom for the Iranian people, elimination of Iran’s nuclear program, regime change, the unconditional surrender of the Iranian government, and, as Trump put it in one post, peace “throughout the Middle East and, indeed, the world.”
No formal authorization for the use of military force has been requested from or passed by Congress. The administration never provided the American people with anything resembling an imminent threat, the legal threshold that would allow a president to launch an attack without congressional authorization. The 60-day clock under the War Powers Resolution of 1973 expires next week on May 1. The Senate has now voted five times to block war powers resolutions, each attempt failing predictably along party lines, with Rand Paul the only Republican voting to end the war and John Fetterman the only Democrat voting to continue it. But cracks are beginning to show: Senators Susan Collins and Thom Tillis have both signaled they may not authorize continued operations past the deadline. It is an illegal, undeclared war, launched unilaterally by a man who seems to believe the presidency should have the power of a monarchy, and Congress has spent nearly two months proving him right.
The war has been costly to both countries. Thirteen American service members have been killed and approximately 373 wounded, many severely. The Pentagon has been actively manipulating those figures. During the ceasefire, it inexplicably subtracted 15 wounded-in-action troops from the official count without explanation, with two Pentagon spokespersons unable to account for the discrepancy. A defense official described the practice to The Intercept as a “casualty cover-up.” On the Iranian side, more than 3,500 people have been killed, including 1,665 civilians, according to the Human Rights Activists News Agency. On the first day of the war, a girls’ elementary school in Minab was struck, killing scores of children.
The Pentagon estimates it has spent roughly $28 billion, and the administration is still seeking up to $100 billion more from Congress. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which the International Energy Agency called the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market, has sent gas prices past $4 a gallon. The full extent of the damage to the global economy, from supply chains to food prices to markets that haven't yet absorbed the shock, probably won’t be known for years.
Adam Kinzinger, the former Republican congressman and Air Force veteran, put it plainly in a social media post: “The people of Iran aren’t free. Iran can now charge tolls. The nuclear material sits EXACTLY where it did, in the same amount, since June. The regime is still in place with a younger ayatollah. Iran was still launching missiles, now with more money to rebuild. Period.”
He’s right on every count. Trump declared “complete and total regime change,” but the assassinated Supreme Leader’s more hard-line son, Mojtaba Khamenei, was quickly installed as the new ayatollah, and the IRGC that runs the war still runs the country. Trump told the nation last June that Operation Midnight Hammer had already eliminated Iran’s nuclear capabilities, then went to war again over the same nuclear program. The uranium is still in the ground in Isfahan. As of the IAEA's last inspection in June of 2025, Iran had 440.9 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60 percent, enough for roughly ten nuclear weapons. That material remains unaccounted for. The IAEA has been denied access to Iran’s bombed nuclear facilities since February 28 and cannot verify the current status of the enriched uranium stockpile, meaning no one outside Tehran knows whether that material has been moved, used, or further processed. Trump himself acknowledged post-ceasefire that “nothing has been touched from the date of attack.” The authoritarian theocracy that imprisoned and killed thousands of protesters in January is still governing. Before the war, the Strait of Hormuz was international waters under de facto US Navy control. Under the ceasefire terms, Iran would coordinate passage and collect fees on every vessel.
Both sides are claiming they won, and when both sides claim victory after 38 days of war that has left thousands dead, and no measurable change in the nuclear threat that was one of the stated reasons for fighting, the word that comes to mind is stalemate, not victory. If anything, Iran may come out of this conflict stronger than it was before the war started.
Vice President Vance flew to Islamabad on April 12 to negotiate a permanent deal. The talks lasted 21 hours and, despite the vice president’s high-school debate champ energy, produced nothing. Vance told reporters that Iran had “chosen not to accept our terms” and flew home. Trump, six days removed from “total and complete victory,” responded by announcing a full naval blockade of Iran.
On April 19, he threatened to “knock out every single power plant, and every single bridge, in Iran” if the talks failed, then announced that the US Navy had fired on and seized the Iranian-flagged cargo ship Touska in the Gulf of Oman. U.S. Marines rappelled from helicopters onto the deck after a destroyer disabled it with gunfire, with Trump excitedly posting that they were “seeing what’s on board!” Iran called it piracy and vowed retaliation. The next day, Iran pulled out of a planned second round of talks in Islamabad, and two days after that, Iran seized two container ships in the Strait of Hormuz and attacked a third. On April 21, Trump extended the ceasefire, while keeping the blockade fully in place. Iran has called the blockade an act of war and said it won’t negotiate until it is lifted.
Despite the fragile ceasefire, I’m writing about this war in the present tense, and that’s intentional. If there’s anything we’ve learned from watching Trump since he first came to power, it’s that he says one thing, does another, lies constantly, backs out, and changes his mind on a daily basis. A ceasefire extension, a naval blockade, and dueling ship seizures in the same week say a lot about just how “over” this war really is—because it feels like we’ve seen this movie before. We all watched President Bush declare “mission accomplished” on May 1, 2003, 43 days after we invaded Iraq. In January of 2004, my infantry brigade deployed to Kirkuk to fight the growing insurgency. Over 4,300 Americans died after that banner came down.
In the lead-up to the Iraq War, President Bush stood at a podium and tried to deliver a simple proverb: “Fool me once, shame on—shame on you…” He paused, lost the thread, and landed on “fool me, you can’t get fooled again.” We all laughed and laughed and then spent a decade watching caskets come home. Some of those caskets had my friends in them.
Maybe the ceasefire holds. Maybe the talks resume, and something real comes out of them. I genuinely hope so. But we’ve elected Donald Trump twice, believed his promises twice, and now we’re watching another victory banner come down over another unfinished war in the Middle East. We should know better by now, but despite whatever W was trying to say, history suggests you absolutely can get fooled again.
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As this piece was going to press, a third aircraft carrier, the USS George H.W. Bush, arrived in the Middle East, joining the USS Gerald R. Ford and the USS Abraham Lincoln—the same ship President George W. Bush stood on when he declared mission accomplished in Iraq… apparently, history has a sense of humor. Meanwhile, US forces seized a second tanker in the Indian Ocean, and Trump ordered the Navy to "shoot and kill" Iranian boats laying mines in the Strait of Hormuz and said there is "no time frame" on ending the war.
Nick Allison is a writer and editor based in Austin, Texas. His work has appeared in Slate, HuffPost, The Fulcrum, The Chaos Section, and elsewhere. Find him on Bluesky @nickallison80.bsky.socialEditor's Note: This story was updated on 4/24 to reflect several timely developments.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.