Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

What would have made the Boebert-Omar call a positive experience?

Rep. Lauren Boebert

Rep. Lauren Boebert

Alex Wong/Getty Images

Last week, GOP Rep. Lauren Boebert made Islamaphobic remarks suggesting a Democratic colleague, Rep. Ilhan Omar, might be a terrorist. When the two spoke Monday, the conversation quickly devolved and the war of words continued as each later told her side of the story.

But perhaps their conversation could have been more positive, more productive, if the two lawmakers had the benefit of counsel from experts in civic discourse and bridge building.

The Fulcrum reached out to such professionals to see how they would have guided the conversation.


Boebert had already raised the ire of many on the left by referring to Omar as part of the “jihad squad,” a play on the self-styled “squad” of House progressives who include Omar, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortes and others.

But over the weekend, things escalated following the release of a video in which Boebert recounted getting in an elevator with Omar.

“I look to my left, and there she is. Ilhan Omar. And I said, ‘Well, she doesn’t have a backpack, we should be fine,'" said Boebert, who aded that it was “not my first 'jihad squad' moment."

The two spoke on Monday, but the conversation grew heated and ended abruptly.

But experts in civil discourse believe a different approach could have led to a more positive outcome. Four such people shared their thoughts with The Fulcrum.

Bruce Bond, co-founder and CEO, Common Ground Committee:

“Apologies that aren’t perceived by the receiver as heartfelt never work. Neither do they work when the receiver decides to use the situation to demand more than the apologizer is prepared to give at that moment. When those things are part of the apology conversation the situation is likely to become more contentious, which is exactly what happened. That is unfortunate as the opportunity was there to set the foundation for building a working relationship that over time could have benefited both individuals and therefore the country.”

Kristin Hansen, executive director, Civic Health Project:

"When intense conflict arises between two individuals, repairing that conflict may require a lengthy process, not just a one-off interaction. Ideally, the parties will try to spend time together in person, either 1:1 or supported by a third party who can help mediate the interaction. Multiple interactions may be needed, with the aim of building rapport, trust, and warmth over time. Importantly, and this is the really hard part, both parties must be firmly committed to focusing on the relationship itself, not on ‘scoring points’ or achieving outward goals in the public sphere. Jumping to demands or ultimatums too early in this process can damage any fragile gains in the relationship."

Carolyn Lukensmeyer, former executive director, National Institute for Civil Discourse:

“Unfortunately, this phone call was doomed from the outset as the intent of both parties was clearly to get the other party to change their behavior. In an already polarized, divisive situation that intent is unachievable and will predictably escalate the situation.

“For two people who are already at such deep odds, the only approach that might work would be genuine curiosity that would lead to understanding more about what has brought the other person to hold their views. What in their life experience leads them to believe what they believe. So the goal would be mutual understanding rather than behavior change.

“Again, the possibility of this in such a public process where insults have been shared before is highly unlikely.”

Manu Meel, CEO, BridgeUSA:

“According to reports, the phone call exchange between Rep. Boebert and Rep. Omar ended abruptly because Rep. Omar claimed that Rep. Boebert refused to ‘publicly acknowledge their hurtful and dangerous comments.’ Meanwhile, Rep. Boebert claimed that Rep. Omar was demanding more than what was warranted. This is an example of the involved parties having different expectations when entering a heated dialogue. A more effective approach to this call should have involved both parties attempting to clearly understand each other's perspective. By recognizing the value systems that underpin people's actions and beliefs, we are more likely to approach a conversation with the intention to understand and accommodate, rather than to incite and win.”


Read More

How Trump turned a January 6 death into the politics of ‘protecting women’

A memorial for Ashli Babbitt sits near the US Capitol during a Day of Remembrance and Action on the one year anniversary of the January 6, 2021 insurrection.

(John Lamparski/NurPhoto/AP)

How Trump turned a January 6 death into the politics of ‘protecting women’

In the wake of the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021, President Donald Trump quickly took up the cause of a 35-year-old veteran named Ashli Babbitt.

“Who killed Ashli Babbitt?” he asked in a one-sentence statement on July 1, 2021.

Keep ReadingShow less
Gerrymandering Test the Boundaries of Fair Representation in 2026

Supreme Court, Allen v. Milligan Illegal Congressional Voting Map

Gerrymandering Test the Boundaries of Fair Representation in 2026

A wave of redistricting battles in early 2026 is reshaping the political map ahead of the midterm elections and intensifying long‑running fights over gerrymandering and democratic representation.

In California, a three‑judge federal panel on January 15 upheld the state’s new congressional districts created under Proposition 50, ruling 2–1 that the map—expected to strengthen Democratic advantages in several competitive seats—could be used in the 2026 elections. The following day, a separate federal court dismissed a Republican lawsuit arguing that the maps were unconstitutional, clearing the way for the state’s redistricting overhaul to stand. In Virginia, Democratic lawmakers have advanced a constitutional amendment that would allow mid‑decade redistricting, a move they describe as a response to aggressive Republican map‑drawing in other states; some legislators have openly discussed the possibility of a congressional map that could yield 10 Democratic‑leaning seats out of 11. In Missouri, the secretary of state has acknowledged in court that ballot language for a referendum on the state’s congressional map could mislead voters, a key development in ongoing litigation over the fairness of the state’s redistricting process. And in Utah, a state judge has ordered a new congressional map that includes one Democratic‑leaning district after years of litigation over the legislature’s earlier plan, prompting strong objections from Republican lawmakers who argue the court exceeded its authority.

Keep ReadingShow less
New Year’s Resolutions for Congress – and the Country

Speaker of the House Mike Johnson (R-LA) (L) and Rep. August Pfluger (R-TX) lead a group of fellow Republicans through Statuary Hall on the way to a news conference on the 28th day of the federal government shutdown at the U.S. Capitol on October 28, 2025 in Washington, DC.

Getty Images, Chip Somodevilla

New Year’s Resolutions for Congress – and the Country

Every January 1st, many Americans face their failings and resolve to do better by making New Year’s Resolutions. Wouldn’t it be delightful if Congress would do the same? According to Gallup, half of all Americans currently have very little confidence in Congress. And while confidence in our government institutions is shrinking across the board, Congress is near rock bottom. With that in mind, here is a list of resolutions Congress could make and keep, which would help to rebuild public trust in Congress and our government institutions. Let’s start with:

1 – Working for the American people. We elect our senators and representatives to work on our behalf – not on their behalf or on behalf of the wealthiest donors, but on our behalf. There are many issues on which a large majority of Americans agree but Congress can’t. Congress should resolve to address those issues.

Keep ReadingShow less
Two groups of glass figures. One red, one blue.

Congressional paralysis is no longer accidental. Polarization has reshaped incentives, hollowed out Congress, and shifted power to the executive.

Getty Images, Andrii Yalanskyi

How Congress Lost Its Capacity to Act and How to Get It Back

In late 2025, Congress fumbled the Affordable Care Act, failing to move a modest stabilization bill through its own procedures and leaving insurers and families facing renewed uncertainty. As the Congressional Budget Office has warned in multiple analyses over the past decade, policy uncertainty increases premiums and reduces insurer participation (see, for example: https://www.cbo.gov/publication/61734). I examined this episode in an earlier Fulcrum article, “Governing by Breakdown: The Cost of Congressional Paralysis,” as a case study in congressional paralysis and leadership failure. The deeper problem, however, runs beyond any single deadline or decision and into the incentives and procedures that now structure congressional authority. Polarization has become so embedded in America’s governing institutions themselves that it shapes how power is exercised and why even routine governance now breaks down.

From Episode to System

The ACA episode wasn’t an anomaly but a symptom. Recent scholarship suggests it reflects a broader structural shift in how Congress operates. In a 2025 academic article available on the Social Science Research Network (SSRN), political scientist Dmitrii Lebedev reaches a stark conclusion about the current Congress, noting that the 118th Congress enacted fewer major laws than any in the modern era despite facing multiple time-sensitive policy deadlines (https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=5346916). Drawing on legislative data, he finds that dysfunction is no longer best understood as partisan gridlock alone. Instead, Congress increasingly exhibits a breakdown of institutional capacity within the governing majority itself. Leadership avoidance, procedural delay, and the erosion of governing norms have become routine features of legislative life rather than temporary responses to crisis.

Keep ReadingShow less