Changes in election procedures suspected of fostering discrimination could be stopped before they're imposed on parts of the country with histories of racial discrimination, under legislation that started through Congress on Wednesday.
The party-line vote endorsing the bill in the House Judiciary Committee marked a hugely symbolic, if probably short lived, victory for advocates of enhancing the political rights and powers of minorities. It was the first formal action by Congress in the six years since the Supreme Court struck down the heart of the Voting Rights Act, effectively permitting a new wave of restrictions on voting in states with histories of racial bias in conducting elections.
The legislation has 225 co-sponsors, all of them Democrats, meaning it should be guaranteed to win passage by the Democratic-majority House. That vote has not been scheduled, but once it happens there seems to be little hope for the measure to even be considered in the Republican-controlled Senate.
The committee vote was 19-6. All those in favor were Democrats and those opposed where the minority of panel Republicans who stayed in the room for the roll call.
The bill is important because it would reverse the court's 2013 ruling preventing almost all applications of the so-called preclearance requirement in the Voting Rights Act, widely hailed as one of the most important civil rights laws in American history. Preclearance is a mandate that any proposed changes in district boundaries, registration requirements, poll closing times or any other voting procedures in areas with histories of discrimination be approved by the Justice Department or a federal court.
The court ruled 5-4 that the evidence being used to decide which areas — mostly in the South — were covered by preclearance was significantly out of date, and therefore unconstitutional and no longer valid. Before now, Congress has never come close to developing new standards.
The legislation says a state would be subject to preclearance if there were 15 or more voting rights violations in the last 25 years or 10 or more voting rights violations in the last quarter century when one of those was committed by the state itself.
Under that formula, 11 states including the four most populous — California, Texas, Florida and New York, plus Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina and Virginia -- would be subject to preclearance, according to an analysis by Facing South, a media platform for the Institute of Southern Studies.
An individual political subdivision, such as a county, would be required to preclear changes if three or more violations occurred there in the last 25 years.
Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler, a New York Democrat, said the court's ruling had "unleashed a deluge of voter suppression laws" across the country, including:
- Excessively strict voter ID laws.
- Purging of voter registration rolls.
- Reducing early voting times and locations.
- Closing or moving polling places.
The committee held a series of hearings to document the ongoing violations, creating a record that may be needed in order for the new law to survive a legal challenge.
At one of those hearings, the Leadership Conference Education Fund reported that nearly 1,700 polling places have been closed in counties that had once been covered by preclearance.
Rep. Mike Johnson of Louisiana, the ranking Republican on the Judiciary subcommittee overseeing civil rights policy, repeated the argument he has made at previous hearings: Too often claims of voting discrimination are based on disparate outcomes of new laws, not discriminatory treatment or intent.
Johnson said the legislation would interfere with state and local officials' control over voting rules even when no evidence of discrimination had been found.
Republican James Sensenbrenner of Wisconsin, who sponsored the 2006 reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act, said he opposed the new bill because it was not the result of bipartisan negotiation. Still, he said he thinks the court's ruling is wrong.
His reauthorization legislation passed the House 380-33 and 98-0 in the Senate.
"It is a poison pill. It will never become law," Sensenbrenner said of the new bill. He said Democrats had to "decide whether you want an issue or a law."
Republican Steve Chabot of Ohio also opposed the legislation, which he said was simply a "messaging bill" by Democrats.
Advocates of reinstating preclearance argue that without it, they are left to file lawsuits challenging laws they consider discriminatory after they are already in place. Those lawsuits are costly and take a long time to decide.
For example, a 2016 federal appeals court ruling in a lawsuit filed by the American Civil Liberties Union (among others) struck down as discriminatory a North Carolina law that required voters to have an ID, removed a week of early voting and ended same-day voter registration, among other provisions.
The case took 34 months and cost nearly $6 million, and the 2014 election was held under rules that the court later said discriminated against black voters.
In another example, the Brennan Center for Justice determined that from 2014 through 2016, after the court ruling, about 16 million names were removed from voting rolls. That was 4 million, or one-third, more than struck from the rolls from 2006 to 2008. Many of those purged were in areas previously covered by preclearance.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.