Tiahna Pantovich joins Veterans for Political Innovation to discuss how her desire to serve took her through the Army, to become a therapist, and to become an advocate for election innovation, how she has felt disenfranchised by the partisan primary system, and the challenge of not sitting entirely in one identity, but identifying as a unique individual with multiple identities.
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Smartphone with ai text in jeans pocket
Photo by Immo Wegmann on Unsplash
My Generation Can Spot the Deepfake. That’s Not Enough.
Jun 07, 2026
Thomas Massie, a seven-term Republican congressman from Kentucky, lost his primary on May 19. The race cost $32.6 million, making it the most expensive congressional primary in U.S. history. Among the weapons deployed against him: an AI-generated video showing him checking into a hotel room with Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Ilhan Omar, with their hands clasped. The narrator called it "worse than adultery." A disclaimer at the bottom of the screen, in small text, read: "This satirical ad was created with artificial intelligence."
I watched the ad. It looks ridiculous. The movements are slightly too smooth, the lighting is off, and the scenario is so cartoonish that I genuinely could not tell at first whether it was meant to be taken seriously. But I'm 17, and I've spent the last four years watching AI-generated content get better in real time. I know what the seams look like. Massie, in his post-loss interview on Meet the Press, was blunt about who the ad actually reached: "It was actually very effective on the boomers."
He mentioned something else that stuck with me. His daughter, who lives outside his district, overheard someone in the voting booth next to her trying to find his opponent's name on the ballot. The voter didn't even realize Massie wasn't their congressman.
One voter was fooled by AI into believing something that never happened. Another didn't know who their own representative was. Different failures. Same election.
This is not a future problem. NBC News has tracked at least 15 campaign ads featuring AI-generated content since November 2025. They cross party lines. In Massachusetts, Republican gubernatorial candidate Brian Shortsleeve's campaign posted a radio ad that sounded exactly like Democratic Governor Maura Healey listing her own policy failures. It was entirely AI-generated. Her voice was cloned. The things she appeared to be saying, she never said. The campaign's defense was that the caption described it as what her ads would sound like "if she was honest," as though the joke somehow canceled out the deception. No explicit AI disclaimer appeared in the ad itself. In New York, Andrew Cuomo's campaign ran AI-generated attack ads against his mayoral opponent, one of which was pulled and blamed on a "junior staffer" after being widely condemned as racist. In Massie's own race, both sides ran deepfakes. The pro-Massie PAC produced its own AI video of Massie's opponent fleeing Donald Trump on a fictional battlefield. Kentucky passed a synthetic-media election law in 2025. The MAGA KY spot cited a satire exception. The pro-Massie ad didn't bother with a disclaimer at all. Roughly 30 states now have some version of an AI disclosure law. None of them prevented any of these ads from running.
The production costs have collapsed. David Martin of the advertising firm Adwave told the Washington Times that what used to require $10,000 to $15,000 and a full production team can now be done for about $50, overnight.
Most of the conversation about this focuses on regulation and labeling. I think that misses the deeper problem. A deepfake doesn't need to be technically undetectable to work. It just needs to reach someone who has no baseline for questioning it.
Most Americans can't name their own House member. A Haven Insights poll put the number at 37%. Think about what that means for a deepfake ad. If you've never heard of the person being depicted, you have no reference point. The fake version and the real version carry the same weight, because you never knew the real version to begin with. Six states have completed mid-decade redistricting since 2025, which resets whatever name recognition existed. New lines, new representatives, new confusion. A synthetic video drops into that vacuum, and there's nothing to push back against it.
For many older voters, the problem isn't even falling for a specific trick. It's that the category doesn't exist for them. Nearly 40% of adults aged 65 and older have never heard of the term "deepfake," according to a 2025 iProov survey. These are also the voters who show up the most reliably and get the bulk of their political information from broadcast television. The FCC does not currently require any disclosure when an AI-generated ad airs on TV.
I'm a high school senior at Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and Technology, where I've taken two semesters of AI coursework. But the reason I can usually spot a synthetic video has almost nothing to do with what I learned in class. It's because I've been immersed in this stuff since middle school. My friends and I constantly share AI-generated memes. We've all seen enough face swaps, voice clones, and generated images to develop a kind of instinct for when something is off. It's like how you can tell a counterfeit bill feels wrong before you even think to check the watermark.
I should be careful about how far I push that, though. The same iProov study found that only 0.1% of people across all age groups correctly identified every deepfake they were shown. Young adults were actually the most overconfident about their detection skills. So my generation is not deepfake-proof. We can't reliably tell real from fake any better than anyone else in a controlled test. What's different is that we assume political content might be synthetic in the first place. We carry that suspicion by default, and older voters mostly don't. That default suspicion is probably more protective than any detection skill.
There are millions of Americans who have voted in every election for decades and have never heard the word "deepfake." I learned what one was in eighth grade.
I keep coming back to the Cuomo mayoral race and the Massie primary because they seem to show this playing out in opposite directions, though I'm not sure the comparison is as clean as I'd like. In New York, younger voters identified Cuomo's AI ads immediately and mocked them as "boomer slop." The synthetic content became a liability for his campaign. CIRCLE at Tufts found 75% of NYC youth voted for Mamdani versus 19% for Cuomo, though Cuomo was already unpopular with young voters for a dozen reasons that had nothing to do with AI. In Kentucky, the electorate in Massie's district skews well over 60, and Massie himself predicted what would happen: "They're hoping the older generation won't realize it's an AI-generated lie." Two races don't prove a pattern. But the underlying logic is hard to dismiss: deepfakes land harder when the audience has no familiarity with the form.
The generation that has that familiarity votes so little. In the 2022 midterms, 27.6% of 18-to-24-year-olds turned out, compared to about 68% of voters aged 65 to 74. There are real structural reasons for this gap. Young people move more often, which creates registration friction. They have less flexible schedules. They don't have the decades of built-up civic habit or the direct financial stake in programs like Social Security that keeps older voters engaged.
Massie probably didn't lose because of a deepfake. Trump's endorsement and tens of millions in outside spending likely mattered more. Whether the AI video moved enough people to change the result is honestly unknowable.
But it didn't need to determine the outcome. It just needed to work on the margin, in a primary where the electorate skewed toward people who had never encountered the form and were the most likely to actually cast a ballot. The next synthetic ad targeting a congressional district will cost $50 to produce. The voters most likely to see it on broadcast TV will have no frame of reference to question it.
Recognizing synthetic media is becoming as basic a civic skill as reading a ballot. Right now, the people who have that skill are mostly sitting out the elections where it matters most.
Maneesh Vaddi is a 17-year-old rising senior at Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and Technology. His research on gerrymandering and voter turnout has been published in the GMU Journal of Student-Scientist Research. He delivered a pledge at the United Nations ECOSOC Chamber for the Transforming Global Education Summit and spoke at the Right Here, Right Now Global Youth Climate Summit, hosted by Oxford Saïd Business School, the Smith School of Enterprise and Environment, and UN Human Rights.
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One Year After Arrest, Pressure Mounts on El Salvador to Free Ruth López
Jun 07, 2026
Human rights organizations across the Americas are intensifying pressure on the Salvadoran government to immediately release Ruth Eleonora López, a prominent anti‑corruption attorney who has now spent more than a year in pretrial detention under what advocates describe as arbitrary, retaliatory, and rights‑violating conditions. López, who leads the Anti‑Corruption and Justice Unit at Cristosal, was detained on May 18, 2025, and has remained behind bars ever since. Her case has become a flashpoint in the region’s debate over democratic backsliding and the criminalization of civil society under President Nayib Bukele.
According to Amnesty International, López’s first hours in custody amounted to a short‑term enforced disappearance, as authorities refused to reveal her whereabouts to her family or legal team. The organization reports that she has since been held under an incommunicado regime, with sharply restricted access to counsel and relatives, while her case remains sealed under judicial secrecy — preventing any public examination of the evidence against her. Over the past year, the charges have shifted without explanation, moving from alleged embezzlement tied to advisory work more than a decade ago to illicit enrichment. Human Rights Watch notes that no evidence has been presented in open court, and a judge extended her pretrial detention in December 2025, with the current order set to expire this month. The Human Rights Research Center adds that López’s imprisonment reflects a broader pattern in El Salvador of criminalizing human rights defenders, journalists, and anti‑corruption advocates.
The circumstances of her arrest were equally alarming. Luis Benavides, López’s husband, told Latino News Network that police arrived at their home under false pretenses. “The police came to our house with some story about our car having been in an accident,” he said. “She was in her pajamas. They had her change into other clothes on the street, with a photographer documenting her humiliation.” For Benavides, the spectacle was not only degrading but a clear signal that authorities intended to criminalize López before any legal process had even begun.
Luis Benavides on the Night Ruth López Was Taken
Luis Benavides on the Night Ruth López Was Taken open.spotify.com
Noah Bullock, Executive Director of Cristosal, told LNN that the year‑long detention of López is a politically motivated act of repression designed to silence dissent and punish her for exposing high‑level corruption within the Bukele administration. “Ruth was arrested without an order from the attorney general and accused of a crime that she couldn’t have committed because she never managed public funds,” Bullock said.
Noah Bullock on Ruth López’s Case
Noah Bullock on Ruth López’s Case open.spotify.com
Bullock has emphasized that as the head of Cristosal’s Anti‑Corruption Unit, López led investigations and formally submitted more than 15 credible cases of government corruption. He argued that her continued imprisonment is a deliberate state tactic to silence civil society and deter anyone who seeks to expose wrongdoing. In his view, the message is unmistakable: challenging power comes at a cost.
Cristosal has repeatedly condemned the Salvadoran government for cloaking López’s legal proceedings in total secrecy. “Her case has been declared a secret. She’s being tried in secret,” Bullock said, stressing that such opacity violates fundamental due‑process guarantees. The organization argues that this enforced secrecy is one of the most arbitrary and unlawful aspects of her detention — a deliberate effort by the state to shield the case from public scrutiny and prevent accountability.
As López’s detention enters its second year, advocates warn that her case is no longer just about one attorney — it has become a barometer for the state of democratic institutions in El Salvador. International human rights organizations argue that if a lawyer of López’s stature can be detained in secrecy, denied due process, and prosecuted without evidence, the risks for ordinary citizens, activists, and journalists are even greater. For them, her imprisonment signals a deliberate effort to dismantle the checks and balances that once constrained executive power.
Across the region, López’s case has galvanized civil society groups who see in her treatment a troubling precedent: a government willing to criminalize those who expose corruption or challenge official narratives. They warn that unless the international community maintains pressure, El Salvador’s slide toward authoritarianism will accelerate, with López’s fate serving as a stark warning to others who dare to speak out.
For her family, colleagues, and supporters, the demand remains simple and urgent: Ruth López must be released. Until then, they say, her case will stand as a symbol of the profound human cost of repression — and of the courage required to confront it.
One Year After Arrest, Pressure Mounts on El Salvador to Free Ruth López was first published on Latino News Network and republished with permission.
Hugo Balta is the executive editor of The Fulcrum and the publisher of the Latino News Network, and twice president of the National Association of Hispanic Journalists.
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Statue Of Liberty
Photo by Brandon Mowinkel on Unsplash
Letter to America From the First-Generation of Breaking a Cycle
Jun 06, 2026
As part of a collaboration between The Fulcrum's NextGen initiative and Made By Us, The Fulcrum is publishing Letters to America, a series created through the Youth250 project that invites Gen Z to reflect on the nation’s past, present, and future as the United States approaches its 250th anniversary.
America is built on values. Its first official texts announce the importance of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Those three things might have slightly different meanings to individual people. But our understanding of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness isn’t so different that we miss the larger picture.
Most of us can agree what these three things aren’t: selling American lives for oil, allowing government officials to invade private spaces to selectively enforce immigration rules, or forcing women to have risky C-sections.
My parents are immigrants, and came to the U.S. as adults. They made the choice, willingly and joyfully, to pledge allegiance to this country. Nowhere is perfect, but my parents were happy that here, they had free access for their daughters to decent schools, economic opportunities, and free speech. My sisters and I were all born in the same hospital and raised in the same small city, and all we know is America. It is our country: my sister works for the government, my dad served his community in healthcare for over thirty years, and I am studying to become a lawyer. Any talk of going “home” goes nowhere, because this is our home. Immigrants are the backbone of this country, and they make America special.
But some of our policies and actions, right now, make it easy to forget the bold, unified, and free vision that compelled the original Americans to accept the Constitution and its promises.
For America’s 250th birthday, I picture a recommitment to what the founders sought in the revolution and wrote in our founding texts, even when they couldn’t always live up to it. No kings; dignity and respect for individuals; economic flourishing for all, not just aristocrats.
I spend a lot of my time telling my friends and family that two things can be simultaneously true: that life and this country are much better than they were 100 years ago, and that we could still be doing much better. People are physically healthier, live longer, live in less pain, have more free time, and have more rights than before. At the same time, America is the richest country in the world, and its people, my friends and family, often feel left behind. It’s sometimes hard to feel lucky when government officials intimidate, tear gas, assault, or even kill people for doing the first thing this country promised them: the right to free speech and assembly.
No one believes in the American dream like the people who chose to be here, and the young people like me who want to see this country flourish into my old age feel the stakes in trying to keep this country great and make it better. I don’t want to repeat the generational pattern: my grandparents fled Palestine, and my parents fled Kuwait. I want my daughter to grow up in a free country that fully embodies its promises, to give her the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
I choose this country, and I hope that together, we all choose it too.
Sara Abdulla, 29, Chicago, IL
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Cocaine and Corruption: As U.S. Military Operations Continue, Ecuadorians Say Drug Crime Needs Holistic Response
Jun 06, 2026
In November, Ecuadorians voted against allowing U.S. military bases in their country. Just over three months later, U.S. armed forces launched operations there, collaborating with the Ecuadorian military in a campaign designed to crack down on narcotics transit and associated crime within the country.
The joint effort has included regional curfews, arrests of gang members, and targeted bombing. It has also been criticized as military overreach, with a group of U.S. lawmakers backed by human rights groups raising concerns over the conduct of the U.S. military in Ecuador during the last several months. The U.S. military presence is also controversial for Ecuadorians, said Ernesto Anzieta, the Metropolitan Director for Citizen Security in Quito.
“The problem is that you are putting [the] military in contact with populations which in some cases are innocent people, in other cases are people that are non-combatants… but are related to criminal gangs, and in other cases they are enemies,” he said in an interview.
Ecuador is not a major producer of cocaine, but 70% of the world’s supply is smuggled through the country and exported to Europe and North America from its coast. Formerly one of Latin America’s most peaceful countries, narcotics and associated gang activity have made Ecuador one of its most violent.
“Ecuador for a long time was an island of peace,” said Anzieta. The country, he said, is not institutionally prepared for what is going on.
Organized crime is multifaceted, encompassing a broad network of corruption in the justice system and the incarceration system, with gangs adapting to traffic whatever goods are most profitable. Right now, narcotics gangs are also involved in Ecuador’s illegal gold mining industry. Cartel violence must be viewed as the systemic issue it is, Anzieta said.
Eddie Contreras, who served as a member of the Ecuadorian military for more than 25 years, supports the U.S. joint military operation. At the same time, he said, corruption must also be addressed within the incarceration system, the justice system, the political structure, and the military itself.
Military operations are sending gang members to prisons, Contreras said, but violence levels remain high, and criminals still operate and recruit from the jails. “The prisons are universities of perfection for crime,” he said in Spanish.
Lorena Villavicencio, a security and defense specialist who worked in Ecuador’s National Assembly and the Ministry of National Defense, proposed bolstering protection and compensation for prison workers, conducting a serious investigation into criminal connections in the transportation and private security sectors, and addressing the lack of social services in poor communities.
Drug trafficking gangs have developed territorial control largely in western provinces, which often withstands strong-arm military operations, according to Villavicencio. “When we have these big operations, it helps, but after a couple of weeks or months, statistics show that we get back to the same levels of violence.”
In some cases, after the military operation is finished, she said, gangs will move back into the area and question local people about what they told the military. Gangs function through extortion and threats, and military pressure can exacerbate this.
Gangs also control territory in large part because of the services they provide to their population. In the city of Duran, for instance, “you have these criminal groups who are basically in charge of providing the water… for the population,” said Villavicencio. “If you have a part of society who doesn’t have the state to provide basic needs … electricity, education, health…the organized crime will use that.”
The German social development organizations Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) and Konrad Adenauer Stiftung have been doing good work in Ecuador, Villavicencio said, also pointing to the initiatives of the European Union in collaborations such as “El PAcCTO” and campaigns to raise awareness about child and teenage gang recruitment. These social development programs must be part of efforts to combat organized crime in the country, she believes.
During his presidency, Donald Trump has prioritized exerting influence in the Western Hemisphere, bombing more than 59 boats the U.S. says were carrying narcotics in the Caribbean and Pacific. The U.S. also captured Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro and imposed extensive sanctions on Cuba, while President Trump has founded the Shield of the Americas, a coalition of some Latin American countries whose objectives include stopping “criminal and narco-terrorist gangs and cartels” throughout the Americas.
An American military presence in Ecuador may be helpful in the short term, but in the long term, Ecuador will need to ensure its own efficacy as a state, said Villavicencio. “[I]f the state [is] not able to manage their own challenges… if you don’t have strong institutions internally… any type of … cooperation would not be effective enough to be sustainable in the long run.”
Cocaine and Corruption: As U.S. Military Operations Continue, Ecuadorians Say Drug Crime Needs Holistic Response was first published on the Latino News Network and was republished with permission.
Sophia Lumsdaine is a student of history, political science, journalism, and Spanish at George Fox University. She recently spent four months abroad in Quito, Ecuador.
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