Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

After a lifetime outside politics, an artist chooses his side: Trump

Man standing next to vinyl artwork

Andrew Lee Smith stands next to his stall the Charleston City Market in early February. Smith’s artwork ranges from rock bands to political figures.

Yiqing Wang

Yiqing is a graduate student at Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism.

CHARLESTON, S.C. – White Converse shoes, green work pants scattered with paint stains, black hoodie and a cowboy hat covered with dozens of rock ‘n’ roll pins. Anderson Lee Smith, a 66-year-old, 6-foot-tall man with his long, gray hair tied back in a low ponytail, dresses in a youthful style while arranging the vinyl art at his stall in the Charleston City Market.

In contrast with his artistic appearance, Smith’s political view is decidedly conservative. After spending four decades as an apolitical artist, Smith turned into a firm supporter of Donald Trump after watching the evolution of the Black Lives Matter movement. He acknowledged the tragedy of George Floyd’s death and the need to support most of the demonstrations. However, when some protests turned violent, Smith saw them as chaos and destruction to the country.

“Democrats are changing the spirit of America,” said Smith softly, while looking through a large, misty window at the market in early February.


The Black Lives Matter movement alarmed Smith, causing him to start paying attention to politics for the first time in his life. He read news and listened to podcasts. That led him to start supporting Trump. He said that the Republican ideology reminded him of the way he grew up. For him, Trump was just trying to bring the country back to normal.

“I feel like the left is trying to change all the things. I’m not afraid of change, but I’m afraid of radical change,” Smith said.

Smith’s fear of radical change is one of the essences of conservative ideology, which highlights the pursuit of a secure social structure, according to Brandt Smith, a psychology professor at Columbus State University. “Tradition is a security blanket,” he said, and people cling to traditions because they work.

Smith never thought he could care so much about politics. He has lived in Charleston his whole life and made his first foray into art when he started drawing cartoons at age 6. He worked at wood burning right after graduating from the University of South Carolina, then transitioned to painting. Six years ago, he shifted his gears to working in vinyl.

Worn-out vinyl records became his favorite medium. He collected materials from old magazines and outdated posters, cutting and pasting colorful letters onto brightly colored cardstock. Taylor Swift, Queen, Nirvana, Donald Trump and Joe Biden have been among his subjects. One of his records shows Trump with a muscular young body and a golden boxer’s belt. The text beneath him reads: “Mean tweets and cheap gas make America great again.”

“Music keeps you young, working keeps you young, and finding out young people’s music keeps you young, because I feel like I’m staying in touch,” Smith said.

While Smith values keeping up with the times, he also values tradition. For him, tradition means guns, the flag, nuclear family, a strong border – things that he thought Americans agreed constituted the spirit of America, whether they were Democrats and Republicans. (A majority of Americans want stronger gun control although nearly two-thirds believe the situation at the Southern border is a crisis or major problem.)

In his view, those traditions were violated by the looting and violence he saw on the news after Floyd’s murder, especially when people broke windows and set fire to cars.

Smith’s study found that “endorsement of hierarchies and resistance to change” are two core facets of conservative ideology. Conservatives fear changes because they want to reduce uncertainty and threat, and they generally adopt an “if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it” position.

Smith lives a simple life. He married his wife 44 years ago, right after college. They decided not to have children. Smith said that they don’t need a child to complete their lives or to prove their love. He said he doesn’t have a cell phone because the devices distract people from the real world.

On an ordinary day, Smith usually wakes up at 5:30 in the morning and arrives at the market an hour later. Since the market doesn’t open until 10 a.m., he has plenty of time to set up his stall, chat with other vendors or have a cup of coffee. After a day in the market, Smith goes home, has dinner, kisses his wife and then heads back to the studio to create more art.


Read More

The Knicks and the Practice of Us

Jalen Brunson #11 of the New York Knicks celebrates with the Larry O'Brien Championship Trophy during the New York Knicks Championship ticker tape parade and victory rally celebrating winning the 2026 NBA Finals on June 18, 2026 in New York City.

(Photo by Angelina Katsanis/Getty Images)

The Knicks and the Practice of Us

I didn’t grow up anywhere near Madison Square Garden. My childhood unfolded in the Midwest, far from New York’s tangled boroughs and yellow cabs. My father brought the city with him, tucked in the vowels of his accent and the teams he rooted for. He was a Jersey boy at first. Then, a reluctant Midwesterner. Geography, though, never truly loosened its grip. In our house, sports allegiance wasn’t a choice. It was inherited—an expectation passed like a family recipe. Or a story retold until it blurs into fact.

For my father, and then for me, the Knicks were never just a team. They were a test of endurance. Before I could distinguish a pick-and-roll from a triangle offense, I understood Knicks loyalty: you waited. You hoped in public, persisted when heartbreak was routine. Knicks fandom was boot camp for disappointment. The main skill was getting up after being knocked down.

Keep ReadingShow less
Reclaiming Patriotism: Between Nationalism and Pessimism

People gather over a giant Declaration of Independence

Photo by Mario Tama/Getty Images.

Reclaiming Patriotism: Between Nationalism and Pessimism

As America approaches the 250th anniversary of its independence, I am more in the mood to protest than to celebrate. Does that make me unpatriotic? The answer depends on how we understand “patriotism.” For a nation that is founded in revolution, let’s affirm a deeper and more profound love of country, a civic patriotism celebrative of our larger ideals including pluralism, dissent, and a commitment to social change.

Two Types of Patriotism

Keep ReadingShow less
A New Path to Depolarization: Media That Brings Us Together
Political polarization
Polarization and the politics of love

A New Path to Depolarization: Media That Brings Us Together

As we face ever-growing partisan polarization in American society, the need for large-scale action becomes increasingly urgent. As James Coan and I have written about in the Fulcrum during my time at More Like US, there are approaches grounded in a significant body of social psychological research that can help address this rapidly growing problem, namely different variations of social contact theory, especially vicarious contact. Until recently, much of the research and thus much of the basis for our articles has been focused on applying social contact theory to other problems facing society: prejudice against members of the LGBTQ community, individuals with autism, and immigrant schoolchildren, among other examples.

It was therefore exciting when last fall I saw the publication of an article in Political Science Research and Methods titled "Content That's as Good as Contact?: Vicarious Intergroup Contact and the Promise of Depolarization at Scale." The study, conducted in 2022 in conjunction with YouGov, finally attempted to measure the effectiveness of indirect contact as a path to depolarization, primarily through the vicarious experience of productive political conversation. Encompassing over 2,000 participants gathered from a nationally representative sample recruited by YouGov’s online panel, the study looked to test affective polarization, measured attitudinally, and interest and investment in depolarization, measured behaviorally. To this end, the study tested multiple media interventions, namely a 50-minute Braver Angels documentary featuring a “Red-Blue” depolarization workshop; a 50-minute placebo nature documentary about wildebeest migration; a 5-minute version of the Braver Angels documentary; a second 5-minute version that emphasized partisan misperception correction; and a pure control group, with no treatment.

Keep ReadingShow less
How Red and Blue America Can Stay Together by Pulling Apart

United States Marine Corps Lockheed Martin F-35B Lightning II STOVL stealth multirole fighters belonging to the VMFA-121 "Green Knights" taxiing at the MCAS Iwakuni in Yamaguchi, Japan, on March 23, 2017.

(viper-zero / Getty Images)

How Red and Blue America Can Stay Together by Pulling Apart

In earlier essays, I argued that America’s political division has grown so deep that a peaceful “American Union” of two sovereign nations — one broadly red, one broadly blue — is worth considering. I also argued that relocation fears are overstated, that cooperation could increase economic prosperity, and that separation could help heal the lingering wounds of the Civil War.

But how would this all actually work? What happens to the national debt? Who gets the military bases, federal lands, and nuclear weapons? Will Social Security be protected? Could two nations share the dollar, defend themselves together, and resolve their disagreements?

Keep ReadingShow less