Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Has Trump already lost the Latino vote?

Opinion

Has Trump already lost the Latino vote?

A man holds up a "Latinos for Trump" sign at a protest after Joe Biden won the 2020 presidential election in Austin, Texas on Nov. 7, 2020.

(Sergio Flores/AFP via Getty Images/TNS)

For generations, foreign policy eggheads debated the question, “Who lost China?” I’m wondering if election analysts might soon ask, “Who lost the Latinos?”

Almost exactly one year ago, President Trump won an impressive election victory. It wasn’t the landslide his boosters claim, but it was decisive. And Trump’s record-breaking success with Latino voters played a crucial part.


In 2020, Joe Biden won Hispanics by nearly 2-to-1 (61 percent to 36 percent). Four years later, Trump nearly tied Vice President Kamala Harris for the Latino vote (Harris 51 percent, Trump 48 percent). He won Hispanic men by 10 points (54-44) — a 33-point swing in his favor from 2020, according to Edison Research. Along with an impressive showing with black men, the results led many Republicans to claim the GOP was reborn. “The Republican Party is now a multiethnic, multiracial coalition of hard-working Americans who love their country,” then-Sen. Marco Rubio proclaimed.

Here’s how Trump put it in his victory speech: “They came from … all quarters. Union, nonunion, African American, Hispanic American, Asian American, Arab American, Muslim American, we had everybody, and it was beautiful. It was a historic realignment. Uniting citizens of all backgrounds around a common core of common sense. You know, we’re the party of common sense.”

In typical fashion, Trump overstated things (Harris won 8 in 10 black votes and roughly 6 in 10 Asian votes, and union voters broke narrowly for Harris). Still, Trump had every reason to celebrate. Republicans have wanted to gain traction with Hispanic and black voters for decades, and Trump made serious inroads.

According to every poll, the overriding priority for Latino voters was the economy. COVID-19 and inflation hit working-class Latinos very hard, and nostalgia for the pre-pandemic Trump economy ran high. Trump’s immigration rhetoric focused on deporting criminal gangs and shutting down the border, which Latinos saw as common sense.

The Trump campaign’s most effective ad was a video of Harris vowing to support taxpayer-funded transgender surgeries for prison inmates and illegal immigrants in federal detention. The tagline: “She’s for they/them. President Trump is for you.”

The ad was controversial for being “anti-trans,” but that wasn’t its appeal. It was the message that Harris cared too much about boutique ideological activist causes, not the “common sense” concerns of regular voters.

Fast forward one year, and Latinos are in a very different place than they hoped. For the first time, a majority of Latinos (65 percent) say it’s a “ bad time” to be Latino in America (though only 38 percent of Republican Latinos agree). Slightly more than half say they fear for their physical safety and believe that all Latinos — regardless of citizenship status — are targets of Trump’s deportation efforts.

In the recent off-year elections, Latinos swung massively back toward Democrats, more than erasing GOP gains a year ago. It’s worth noting that these voters still said that their top concern was the economy, not Trump’s immigration policies. Though one does wonder how many voters, worried about being wrongly detained, didn’t risk showing up at the polls.

In the modern era, the single biggest mistake political parties make is overreading the election returns. The Trump-led GOP is particularly guilty. Every time Trump does something outrageous, self-indulgent, or just weird, his biggest fans declare, “I voted for this.”

That may be true for them, but it’s not true for the majority-making swing voters who took a flier on Trump based on economic concerns or frustration with Democrats. When a Latino truck driver sees video of a Latino teacher arrested at a daycare, it doesn’t take a genius to understand he’s probably not saying, “This is what I voted for.” Ditto the endless pardons of crooked cronies, the surprise demolition of the East Wing, or the tariff-driven chaos working its way through the economy.

Trump’s pride in the diversity of his coalition was understandable, but it didn’t account for the fact his coalition was diverse in its reasons for voting for him. Not every Trump voter is a MAGA diehard. The “I voted for this” crowd isn’t a majority. The rest increasingly feel like he’s for him not us — which is why Trump’s approval rating is in “free fall.”

The Trump-pushed redistricting effort in Texas was based on the idea that working-class Latinos were as locked-in for Trump as the billionaire attendees of his Great Gatsby party at Mar-a-Lago. If current trends continue — still a big if — Democrats could gain Texas seats in the midterms. One in 5 Texas Latinos who voted for Trump say they regret it.

The debate over “Who lost the Latinos?” is looming on the horizon, though it won’t be hard to answer.

Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.


Read More

Politics Is More Than a Vote, It’s a Way of Life: Carmen Gimenez’s Journey From Venezuela to America

Carmen “Jackie” Jaqueline Gimenez

Photo Provided

Politics Is More Than a Vote, It’s a Way of Life: Carmen Gimenez’s Journey From Venezuela to America

HALLANDALE BEACH – Carmen “Jackie” Jaqueline Gimenez, a Venezuelan living in Hallandale Beach, Fla., was working for the Venezuelan Ministry of Finance across the street from el Palacio de Miraflores in 2002 when she realized things would never be the same.

On April 11, came “El Golpe,” or a failed coup against President Hugo Chávez. Gimenez shares that this was the moment she realized Democracy was breaking down in Venezuela.

Keep ReadingShow less
Fulcrum Roundtable: Crisis in Minneapolis

Street scenes next to the site where Alex Pretti was shot and killed by two Federal agents, February 1, 2026, on Nicollet Avenue in Minneapolis, Minnesota. As part of President Trump's plan to deport immigrants, over 3,000 Immigration Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents were sent to Minneapolis, against the wishes of most of the community, the mayor, and the governor.

(Photo by Andrew Lichtenstein/Corbis via Getty Images)

Fulcrum Roundtable: Crisis in Minneapolis

In the weeks leading up to the shootings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti, Minneapolis was marked by a growing sense of unease as federal immigration agents increased their presence in neighborhoods where residents already felt over-policed and under-protected.

Rumors of aggressive tactics circulated alongside firsthand accounts of raids that blurred the line between enforcement and intimidation. This atmosphere created a simmering fear—especially among immigrants, artists, and activists—who felt they were being singled out not just for their status, but for their voices and visibility. When Good, a poet known for speaking truth to power, and Pretti, a healthcare worker committed to serving vulnerable patients, were killed, the tension snapped into open outrage. Protests erupted almost immediately, fueled by grief but also by a deeper sense of betrayal: two people who embodied service and expression had been met with state violence instead of protection.

Keep ReadingShow less
Ukrainian POW, You Are Not Forgotten
Recruits at roll call at the infantrymen's deployment site. Recruits, including former prisoners who have voluntarily joined the 1st Separate Assault Battalion named after Dmytro Kotsiubailo "Da Vinci," take part in weapons handling and combat readiness training in an undisclosed location in Ukraine on November 11, 2025.
(Photo by Diana Deliurman/Frontliner/Getty Images)

Ukrainian POW, You Are Not Forgotten

“I have very good news,” beamed former Ukrainian POW and human rights activist Maksym Butkevych, looking up from his phone. “150 Ukrainian prisoners of war have just been released. One is from my platoon.”

This is how I learned about last week’s prisoner exchange during a train ride from Champaign to Chicago. In addition to the 150 Ukrainian defenders, seven citizens were released on February 5 in an exchange with Russia.

Keep ReadingShow less
2025 Crime Rates Plunge Nationwide as Homicides Hit Historic Lows
do not cross police barricade tape close-up photography

2025 Crime Rates Plunge Nationwide as Homicides Hit Historic Lows

Crime rates continued to fall in 2025, with homicides down 21% from 2024 and 44% since a recent peak in 2021, likely bringing the national homicide rate to its lowest level in more than a century, according to a recent Council on Criminal Justice analysis of crime trends in 40 large U.S. cities.

The study examined patterns for 13 crime types in cities that have consistently published monthly data over the past eight years, analyzing violent crime, property crime, and drug offenses with data through December 2025.

Keep ReadingShow less