Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

Will Trump’s moves ever awaken conservatives?

Opinion

Will Trump’s moves ever awaken conservatives?

President Donald Trump speaks with the media after signing a funding bill to end a partial government shutdown in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, D.C., Feb. 3, 2026.

(Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images/TCA)

Donald Trump has rewritten the rules of the presidency in ways that could change America forever, and not for the better.

His naked self-dealing, weaponizing the Justice Department against his political foes, turning on our allies, the casino-fication of the White House — none of it bodes well for the future of our democracy, setting precedents that other presidents on both sides of the aisle could very well continue.


But one of the most obvious things Trump has changed in politics is its concern with ideology and principle. The long-held philosophy that used to bind the Republican Party together is gone, because he simply didn’t have a use for it.

For conservatives, that’s been especially disorienting and troubling. It began with Trump’s disregard for the debt and deficit, and carried through to this term’s embrace of tariffs, or protectionism. His personal disinterest in what the Christian right used to call “family values” dismantled the evangelical base of the party. And his courting of white nationalists and antisemites changed the face of the party.

None of that has been enough, however, to move conservative lawmakers to significantly break with Trump or even call him out. They happily co-signed his tariffs, watched as he exploded the debt and the deficit, turned the other way at his criminality and immorality, and defended police-attacking insurrectionists at the Capitol. He even managed to tick off the Second Amendment crowd with his crackdown on guns at protests and in Washington.

None of this is conservative. But so long as they kept winning, cowardly Republicans not named Liz Cheney or Adam Kinzinger didn’t seem to care.

But now, with a new idea hatched, will Republicans finally remember their conservative roots?

On Monday, Trump called on Republicans to “nationalize the voting.” It was a startling suggestion for a party that’s always concerned itself with state’s rights and federalism.

“The Republicans should say, we want to take over, we should take over the voting, the voting in at least many, 15 places. The Republicans ought to nationalize the voting,” he said.

The call is in service of his election lie, of course, an answer to the non-existent scourge of voter fraud that rigged just the 2020 election and somehow not the 2016 or 2024 elections.

Except Trump is the one attempting the rigging. He’s tried to end mail ballots and voting machines, sued two dozen blue states for their voter rolls, embarked on a rare mid-decade redistricting campaign, dismantled the FBI’s Foreign Influence Task Force, and pardoned dozens of people who signed false election certifications for him in 2020.

It’s tempting to dismiss the idea as merely a self-soothing ramble, the nonsensical blurting of an old man still fixated on an imaginary injustice. But it should offend and worry everyone, not least of all Republicans.

Elections are held locally for good reason — it’s harder to rig them that way. The Constitution says states shall determine the times, places and manner of elections, for the explicit purpose of decentralizing and protecting their integrity. It’s the backbone of federalism.

But for House Speaker Mike Johnson it’s nothing to get worked up about. “What you’re hearing from the president is his frustration about the lack of some blue states, frankly, of enforcing these things and making sure that they are free and fair elections.”

But Democrats are rightly concerned, and preparing for potential “federal government intrusion” in the midterms. “This is now a legitimate planning category,” said Minnesota Secretary of State Steve Simon. “It’s extraordinarily sad, but it would be irresponsible for us to disregard the possibility.”

Extraordinarily sad, indeed. But will it revive the dormant conservatism in the Republican Party? Will lawmakers remember their principles and patriotism? Or will they continue to sleep through Trump’s total remaking of America’s political system?

Maybe this will be the thing that finally wakes them up.

S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.


Read More

Group of voters stand in line

Group of voters stand in line at the community center so they can participate in voting.

Getty Images

Six Key Voting Blocs Hold the Balance of Power on Nov. 3

Modern election cycles easily dissolve into narrative noise, fueled by media echo chambers, superficial viral sound bites, controversial attack ads, and candidate outrage. But beneath the headline churn, research is replete with evidence that building majorities in congressional, gubernatorial, and state legislature races belongs to those who persuade and mobilize voters across six key demographic blocs:

Non-partisan independents: The ultimate arbiters

Keep ReadingShow less
Washington DC against the background of the US flag

Washington DC against the background of the US flag, USA

Getty Images

WTA Electoral College - Least Democratic System for Independents

The Winner-Take-All (WTA) Electoral College system is arguably the least democratic mechanism for political independents in the United States because it completely erases their voices, forces artificial binary choices, and systemically bars them from meaningful participation.

The WTA Electoral College is the political duopoly’s most powerful defense mechanism, structurally engineered to block third parties and preserve the two-party monopoly. Applied by 48 states and Washington D.C., the WTA rule dictates that the candidate who wins a simple plurality of a state’s popular vote receives 100% of that state's electoral votes.

Keep ReadingShow less
US and California flags waving on a poll

US and California flags waving on a poll

Photo provided
​Michael Bridgford

Michael Bridgford campaigning

Independent Underdog Tours Iowa as Voters Seek Common‑Sense Change

Eight cities in eight different counties, all in one week. When we talk about cities in Iowa’s First Congressional District, keep in mind most are county seats with populations that often don’t reach 7,000. In the closing months of a political campaign in southeastern Iowa, chatter in those towns and cities centers on the cost of living, farmers' struggles, and the hot-button issue of data centers.

Michael Bridgford is tireless, but the challenge is daunting. I met him over lunch last spring when he was first considering a run. A long-time friend met him at a conference and told Michael he would connect him to a guy who won a long-shot campaign. I’m that guy. Running as a Republican, I upset a 32-year incumbent in deep-blue Madison, Wisconsin.

Keep ReadingShow less