North Carolina’s Project Kitty Hawk is a grand experiment. Can a government entity build an online program-management system that competes with private providers? With $97 million in taxpayer funding, the initiative seemed promising. But, despite good intentions, the project has been beset by difficulties and has been slow to grow.
A state-chartered, university-affiliated online program manager may sound visionary, but in practice, it’s expensive, inefficient, and less adaptable than private solutions. In a new report for the James G. Martin Center for Academic Renewal, I examined the experience of Project Kitty Hawk and argued that online education needs less government and more free markets.
In many ways, Project Kitty Hawk mirrors private online program managers (OPMs). However, it differs in two fundamental ways. First, because it’s a public university affiliate, it must follow all the governance rules applicable to state entities. This creates additional complexity not found in the private sector; overlapping boards and bureaucratic layers significantly slowed Project Kitty Hawk’s development. Before PKH could launch a single program, it needed approvals from the PKH board, the UNC System Office, and the partnering campus—all operating on different calendars and according to different priorities.
More importantly, Project Kitty Hawk receives government money. Its $97m in start-up funding was provided by North Carolina taxpayers. Many of these silent “shareholders” will neither enroll in courses nor see any direct monetary return on their “investment.” Why ask taxpayers to foot start-up costs at all when expenses can be resolved through provider partnerships? Creating state-run programs requires taxpayers to assume 100 percent of the downside risk while realizing none of the upside. In contrast, private OPMs bear both risk and cost.
To its credit, going forward, Project Kitty Hawk will succeed or fail based on the value of the services it provides to North Carolina’s universities, which are not required to choose PKH as a vendor. But it has already been forced to reduce its program and revenue projections due to uncertainty about possible new regulations on revenue-sharing.
When Project Kitty Hawk moved from a revenue-sharing to a fee-for-service model in 2024, it decreased its projections for both program offerings (from 100 to 56 by 2028) and enrollments (from 31,000 to 14,800 by 2028). At the time, PKH stated that changing its model necessarily reduced its program pipeline. One university that had planned to use PKH as a partner pulled out because switching to fee-for-service would cause projected revenue losses in the first few years of operation.
Innovation thrives when universities can choose partners and pay only for results. Truly private revenue-sharing and fee-for-service models allow campuses to expand online offerings without building internal bureaucracies or footing the bill for start-up costs. This free-market competition decreases expenditures, improves student outcomes, and fosters a wide variety in program offerings.
Private OPMs are already offering such services. Yes, there have been bad actors, as there are in any market. But, on the whole, these services allow universities to offer affordable, accessible courses and to reach students that they wouldn’t otherwise. Private education-technology firms, such as Risepoint, 2U, and ed2go, have been especially valuable to small colleges and universities that lack the resources to build robust in-house online offerings. Moreover, these firms operate with zero taxpayer startup costs and rapid scalability. Many North Carolina colleges and universities, including UNC-Chapel Hill, UNC Greensboro, NC Central University, Winston-Salem State University, East Carolina University, and Central Carolina Community College, already use public-private partnerships to deliver online courses. A centralized, state-chartered platform can’t offer the same benefits.
But the current regulatory environment slows down even the private sector. Concerns about the possibility of new regulations have threatened providers’ models that provide student acquisition, retention support, technology deployment, and curriculum innovation in return for a share of tuition revenue.
As Workforce Pell is implemented, broadening the universe for short-term and career coursework, adult learners will demand even more online courses. Colleges will need to rapidly address access and the scalability of offerings. Congress should facilitate colleges using public-private partnerships to meet these needs by codifying the 2011 “bundled services” guidance. This reform would give universities certainty about revenue-share agreements going forward.
At the same time, state governments should encourage public institutions to contract with affordable, efficient private providers for online course marketing, recruitment, and instructional design, and allow them to succeed or fail based on student outcomes. This will be especially important for community colleges as they work to meet new demand created by Workforce Pell funding.
Other states should learn from North Carolina’s experiment; don’t gamble with taxpayer capital when private firms already offer scalable solutions. Students, not bureaucracies, should be the beneficiaries of online-education innovation.
Jenna Robinson is president of the James G. Martin Center for Academic Renewal.




















U.S. President Donald Trump boards Air Force One on August 14, 2026 at Joint Base Andrews, Maryland. Trump is traveling to Long Island to tour law enforcement facilities in Nassau County and rally support for local Republican candidates ahead of the upcoming midterm elections
Travel Far Enough, You Meet Yourself
Is it possible that our President has simply not traveled enough?
Born and raised in Queens and attending Fordham University in the Bronx, Donald Trump has no record of traveling outside New York until he was over 20, when he transferred to a college in the neighboring state of Pennsylvania. Were his formative years amiss, then, in his learning about other places and other people?
Is his view akin to the famous New Yorker cover by Saul Steinberg, an illustration of the United States with New York City as the epicenter of the country and the Hudson River the border of the known world? We can now at least add Washington, D.C., and Mar-a-Lago to the map of “the realm.”
Our President has now traveled some, but what we recommend is another kind of travel. Not a state-sponsored trip or a venture to scout locations for future Trump Towers. This would be a genuine travel experience, enriching and eye-opening, showcasing other cultures and ways of living.
It will extend far beyond viewing military parades, hobnobbing with such “understanding” world leaders as Kim Jong Un, or taking tea with the King.
WHERE, then, should the President go? As Elon Musk’s Starship spacecraft is not yet ready to take passengers to Mars, perhaps he could explore our own vast country?
Maybe he could travel to “flyover country,” the farming states, where his ying-yanging tariffs and trade restrictions have played havoc with rural economies. Or possibly to California, number one in homeless U. S. citizens, and while there, regale homeless veterans (approximately 32,500 nationwide) with tales of his brave exploits invading and bombing foreign countries.
Or he might tour the Great Lakes, and rename the other four?
WHEN should he go? This will be tough, as he is very busy building his ballroom and renaming bodies of water.
How about a trip in early November, around the midterm elections? Despite the long-discredited accusation of widespread voter fraud, it would be reassuring to know he might be so caught up divvying out ladles of soup in a soup kitchen somewhere that he wouldn’t remember to deploy the military for “election security.”
HOW will he travel? He should definitely not take his Qatari-donated, newly renovated 747, especially after last time, when he had to be smuggled off clandestinely in a catering truck. It’s unlikely any traveling companions, like the Secretary of State or of the Treasury, are going to fall for the ruse a second time. Besides, we may need those people. No more decoys!
Perhaps the President could fly commercially, although this likely would expose him to undue suffering. Without gold bathroom fixtures and maple wood floors, the trip will be no “Luxury Experience.” If only he still had his “Trump Shuttle,” bought with a massive loan he later defaulted on, saying then, “I’m smart. I got out at a good time.”
Considering the potential pitfalls, maybe it’s best the President travel incognito, disguised perhaps as an elderly woman wearing a lot of bronzer.
Wherever, whenever, however: our President needs a vacation.
Moreover, we need a vacation from him.
If the President refuses our travel suggestions, here’s another idea:
Let’s get him a pet! He has never owned a pet. As we know with our children, pets teach essential life lessons: compassion and empathy; they instill a sense of responsibility. There is a well-established connection between those who can care for a pet and those who can care for people.
So, which pet should we choose? A puppy? A kitten? A boa constrictor?
Imagine, the President may even decide he likes having a pet. After all, what is more obedient than a well-trained dog, besides possibly the Cabinet? And what is more docile than a sweet kitten, other than plausibly the Supreme Court?
The President may even become more mellow with a pet afoot and less likely to slap tariffs on our allies, or attempt to annex our neighbors, or bully our Congress. (Realizing, of course, a bully requires active participation from the bullied to maintain his status.)
Maybe we should do both: get the President a pet and devise a travel plan for him. (Do you think we could possibly convince him to leave his phone at home?)
Let’s go for it! After all:
Travel far enough, you meet yourself. (David Mitchell)
And for our President, that would likely be the most profound discovery of all.
Amy Lockard is an Iowa resident who regularly contributes to regional newspapers and periodicals. She is working on the second of a four-book fictional series based on Jane Austen’s “Pride and Prejudice."