In March 2024, the Department of Justice secured a hard-won conviction against Juan Orlando Hernández, the former president of Honduras, for trafficking tons of cocaine into the United States. After years of investigation and months of trial preparation, he was formally sentenced on June 26, 2024. Yet on December 1, 2025 — with a single stroke of a pen, and after receiving a flattering letter from prison — President Trump erased the conviction entirely, issuing a full pardon (Congress.gov).
Defending the pardon, the president dismissed the Hernández prosecution as a politically motivated case pursued by the previous administration. But the evidence presented in court — including years of trafficking and tons of cocaine — was not political. It was factual, documented, and proven beyond a reasonable doubt. If the president’s goal is truly to rid the country of drugs, the Hernández pardon is impossible to reconcile with that mission. It was not only a contradiction — it was a betrayal of the justice system itself.
For the prosecutors and investigators who spent years building the case, the pardon was more than a legal reversal. It was a dismissal of their work. These are professionals who sift through evidence, protect witnesses, and risk their safety to bring traffickers to justice. To see a conviction erased and recast as “political” sends a chilling message: that justice is negotiable, and that the truth they fought to prove can be undone with a signature.
Days after pardoning Hernández, the president ordered a military strike in Venezuela, captured Nicolás Maduro and his wife on nearly identical drug-related charges, and declared that the United States would “run” Venezuela for the foreseeable future (Reuters). By making that declaration without acknowledging that Venezuela had a constitutionally designated vice president, the president dismissed the nation’s lawful succession process entirely. Meanwhile, Venezuela’s own Supreme Court directed Vice President Delcy Rodríguez to assume the presidency — a constitutional process the United States simply ignored. Members of Congress were not briefed beforehand, and several lawmakers said the strike lacked authorization or clarity about its purpose.
Venezuela, like the United States, has its own constitutional process for replacing leadership. For any American president to declare that he will “run” another sovereign nation is not only overstepping — it is a profound act of overreach. It disregards that country’s institutions, dismisses its lawful succession, and elevates personal authority above international norms. International law experts warn that the strike and capture likely violate the UN Charter’s prohibition on the use of force and the long‑standing rule that sitting heads of state cannot be seized by foreign governments — a warning Congress has yet to address. The most troubling part is not just that these actions occurred, but that Congress has yet to provide clarity, direction, or even assert its own constitutional power. Silence in the face of overreach is not neutrality. It is abdication.
Many Americans watching the president’s recent actions see not strategic leadership, but improvisation — a leader who treats governing like a personal performance rather than a constitutional responsibility. His public statements often contradict the Constitution or established U.S. policy, projecting confidence without knowledge or authority. World leaders recognize this gap. Some dismiss his claims, others exploit them, and adversarial nations such as China and Russia — countries he openly admires — understand the risks and opportunities created by erratic American leadership. This is not a moment for improvisation. It is a moment for constitutional discipline, and Congress must provide it.
This is not coherent strategy. It is selective enforcement. One foreign leader convicted of trafficking is pardoned. Another is pursued with airstrikes. The difference is not the crime. The difference is the president’s narrative.
The pattern is unmistakable. Strong, effective leaders do not crave praise. They do not demand gratitude. They do not measure success by applause. They act because the action is necessary, not because it flatters their ego. When any leader responds to criticism by asking why people are not thanking him, it reveals a deeper problem: decisions are being made for personal validation rather than national interest. That is not a strength. It is insecurity — and insecurity at the highest levels of government is dangerous.
Finding solutions is difficult when presidential decisions are driven by ego and impulse, and when Congress remains loyal, silent, or unwilling to perform its constitutional role. But that does not absolve Congress of responsibility. If our democracy is threatened or unsafe conditions emerge for the country or its citizens, responsibility will not rest solely with the president. It will rest with a Congress that failed to act, failed to check overreach, and failed to provide the clarity and direction the Constitution demands.
In recent weeks, Americans have watched in disbelief as bombs were dropped on ships and reports emerged of innocent people caught in the crossfire. Across communities, people asked basic questions — Why now? Under what authority? What is the plan? — and no answers came from Congress or the President. Instead of a nation projecting strength, we are rapidly becoming a nation defined by dysfunction and confusion. Melvin, an ex‑military relative, told me he is confused, frustrated, and desperate for transparency. He is not alone. When even those who have served this country cannot understand our actions or our objectives, something is profoundly wrong.
And the consequences of that dysfunction are already becoming visible. China has demanded Maduro’s immediate release and accused the United States of violating international law (Yahoo News). Russia has condemned the strike and warned of regional destabilization (NDTV). Venezuela’s vast oil reserves — among the largest in the world — make this more than a regional dispute. They make it a global flashpoint.
This is not a moment for applause. It is a moment for accountability.
There are steps we can take to restore guardrails and reduce the risks this moment has created. Congress must reclaim its constitutional war powers, require full briefings before any foreign military action, and reassert its authority over when and how the United States uses force. It must strengthen the independence of the Department of Justice so that prosecutions and pardons cannot be shaped by personal loyalty or selective justice. The president must stop sending mixed signals about national security, stop usurping authority that belongs to Congress, and stop pressuring the DOJ to serve political interests.
Congress must also reaffirm respect for the sovereignty of other nations and rebuild its oversight capacity by prioritizing accountability over loyalty. And the public must insist on that accountability — through letters, petitions, phone calls, town halls, and voting — because democracy only works when citizens demand clarity and courage from those who represent them. This is not a partisan worry. Americans across the political spectrum — Republicans, Democrats, and Independents — are united in their concern that both Congress and the President are drifting away from constitutional leadership.
Overreach abroad and silence at home are unacceptable — and the American people deserve leaders willing to confront both.
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Carolyn Goode is a retired educational leader and a national advocate for ethical leadership, government accountability, and civic renewal.




















Children watch a July Fourth Parade along the Walkway of Heroes and Independence Avenue on July 04, 2026 in Tappan, New York.
The Great American Grumpfest
Our nation’s 250th birthday party didn’t feel especially patriotic and wasn’t as much fun as the 200th anniversary was.
President Trump, who did his best to co-opt our holiday for his personal aggrandizement, was a major reason. The party he threw in Washington, D.C., was crankier than uplifting, and less about celebrating our shared past and a promising future than about reminding us how far we have strayed from our founders’ plan to create a republic that future Americans would keep in good working order.
Credit Trump this much. He has a singular gift for picking at scabs that other politicians would rather ignore and pushing us into reckonings we don’t need.
The thing is, Americans have seen all this before. Sometimes the makeover we were encouraged to undertake was more conservative, sometimes more liberal. Whatever direction we were pushing, however, the reckoning we had in mind this time had to be more forthright and the conclusion more definitive than it was the last time.
Our current discontents, the ones behind the reckoning President Trump has been trying to inspire, are not trivial. Included among them are immigration, birthright citizenship, exploding healthcare costs, election rigging, a gag-inducing national debt, how we educate our children, too many genders, racial differences we can’t move past, a lopsided economy that favors more well-off Americans, and historic levels of political corruption and graft. Add to these the several foreign adventures he has pushed us into or is anxious to undertake, and you have the makings of a national headache the likes of which we haven’t had in half a century.
All the elbow-throwing and overheated rhetoric we’re using today have begun to look almost normal in all the ways that bickering neighbors and feuding family members appear normal. But they have also made us look mean-spirited and have portrayed our differences as irreconcilable. To ourselves, of course, but also to many people outside the United States who might be forgiven for turning their heads and not looking at the national car wreck we Americans show no interest in avoiding.
The good news, as I suggested above, is that Americans have had a great deal of practice dealing with challenges and national car wrecks like these.
This essay begins to lay out the reasons why.
By way of illustration, we have our seemingly insatiable demand for more bad news about race in America.
Sixty years after being released from the legal constrictions that bedeviled both white and black Americans, many white people have come to believe the color that used to make them unassailable is now a sign of a moral inferiority born of a racial animus they can never wash off. Many black people, on the other hand, are insisting that America is as hopelessly stacked against them as the formerly unassailable white people’s ancestors used to tell their black ones.
The result is that many people today are buying into racist nightmares and mumbo jumbo that their black and white ancestors worked hard and effectively to put in each other’s heads.
This might be dismissed as crazy behavior if it weren’t so important to rituals Americans have long used to express their deepest fears about each other while figuring out what move they can make that won’t end with their world crashing down on everybody’s head.
Unfortunately, the kind of cultural sleight of hand we have used to ramp up our racial differences has been appropriated by people who have many other cultural fears and unresolved differences with each other. Their clumsy but culturally prescribed missteps are making all these other issues look as irremediable as our racial problems.
A good place to start an answer to how we back away from ledges is Alexis de Tocqueville’s writing on early-19th-century American democracy. He had an optimistic take on Americans’ unscripted displays of public bravado, recrimination, and payback.
For him, these were occasions when people tried to mitigate the effects of the unfair hand they were dealing someone else or had themselves been dealt by behaving in ways quite at odds with how they would otherwise be expected to act. These inversions of what Tocqueville called “the natural order of conscience” presented themselves as a loud but culturally muted challenge to the hypocrisies that people had built into the world they’d made together.
One of his favorite illustrations of early-American hypocrisy involved slave masters sleeping with their less-than-worthy slaves. To the best of my knowledge, he didn’t pick up on all the ways that slaves messed with their owners. Their well-chronicled and quiet resistance showed that even severely ill-treated people can exercise more control over their lives than outsiders appreciate.
Be that as it may, such inversions of a people’s “natural order of conscience” make a good public show of them wrestling with demons they can’t or may not want to shake off, but in any case, are nowhere close to figuring out how to cast out.
Implicit in these disruptions was the discomforting idea that people might flip the entire script and turn the world on its head in more permanent ways. That kind of flipping worked out better for us in our revolution against England than in our Civil War. These events taught us the value of stepping back from historically unprecedented ledges.
Americans of late have been giving loud expression to a long list of things they don’t like about each other and the last makeover they started but didn’t finish a half-century ago. The outcome of our fights today will be as revealing as they are embarrassing to everyone who imagined they could recast our country in a way that privileged their favorite kind of Americans.
Their disappointment with the accommodations they strike will be palpable, but the middling results they achieve with all their pushing and shoving won’t be anything they can’t live with.
Anthropologists who have written about such moments in other cultures less “advanced” than our own show that people find ways to work around their seemingly irreconcilable differences without ever fully resolving them. Indeed, the patches and repairs people make have the unheralded effect of reinforcing rather than undermining the legitimacy of the practices and values they thought were fundamentally flawed.
For example…
White guilt and black pessimism do more good than putting cash into the pockets of professional shamers and handwringers. They give the rest of us who don’t feel guilty or powerless more time to make the world less racially unequal. Good news.
Regarding illegal immigration, the entrance requirements for future immigrants will remain stringent. Americans will applaud the continued detention and deportation of the few illegal immigrants who commit serious crimes. Good news.
All the people who came to the United States without being legally vetted and were locked up for a time will be released in numbers small enough to avoid serious media attention. Along with the several million other good people who snuck in but avoided capture, the former detainees will go to school, find gainful employment, pay their taxes, and stay out of trouble. Many will eventually become citizens. Good news.
Investigations into election tampering and Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential loss will come to an unceremonious conclusion the day after his second term ends. Many Americans will grumble about this, but there will also be some quiet partying, too. Good and bad news.
Congressional hearings into all the grifting accomplished by people tied to the Trump administration will end without anyone having to pay a dime back to the American taxpayers. Bad news, we’ll learn to live with.
New laws and regulations will be created in the hope that the kind of corruption practiced by President Trump will not be repeated for another 250 years. Good news, I hope we’ll live long enough to enjoy.
Show trials for people who allegedly vandalized the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, if they happen, will get big television viewer ratings. Good news.
Trials for pardoned Capitol insurrectionists who committed serious crimes after their release should get more attention, but won’t. Bad news.
We will continue to hear nothing from most of the people who were pardoned for crimes they committed in the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021. They will keep their mouths shut and their heads down for the rest of their life. Good news.
The gold-gilded ornaments that Donald Trump had plastered all over the White House will be shipped to Mar-a-Lago, where the former president will sell them on eBay. Fun news.
American taxpayers end up paying for most of the new East Wing, the removal of the miniature gladiatorial arena that was built behind the White House, and the restoration of the White House rose garden. Bad news.
The Triumphal Arch was never built. Good news.
Trad wives and gay couples raise perfectly lovely children. Good but unsurprising news.
Trans men and women learn that most Americans can’t figure out who they used to be. No one gives a second thought to their use of “family bathrooms” or “unisex bathrooms” in public settings, businesses, and schools. Communities will sponsor athletic teams that have trans boys and girls just to show they can. Good news.
Budget deficits will be kicked down the road for someone else’s children to pay down. Bad news.
Federal agencies that had their budgets and employee ranks slashed during President Trump’s second term are getting some of the money and lost positions back. Good news.
Elite universities will buy their way out of DEI purgatory by competing for conservative scholars whose inflated salaries dwarf those of their liberal colleagues, who will think about suing their institutions for reverse discrimination but won’t be able to figure out who would pay for it or care. More fun news.
Okay. I’ve probably missed some ways that Americans will step back from the ledges they have been making noises about leaping off. But to the extent that my predictions pan out, the best and most important moral of the stories about us stepping away is this: everything we lost and took back, or had returned to us, will have happened without our government collapsing, civic traditions crumbling, or our people beating each other up.
The reason why is that the differences Americans have with each other really weren’t as irreconcilable as we made them out to be. The empty-sounding bromide that Americans have more that unites us than divides us turns out to be true, not just metaphorically but in fact.
Now that is really something to celebrate.
Daniel J. Monti (danieljmonti.com) is Professor of Sociology at Saint Louis University and the author of American Democracy and Disconsent: Liberalism and Illiberalism in Ferguson, Charlottesville, Black Lives Matter, and the Capitol Insurrection.