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Debut of ranked elections in NYC faces resistance from nonwhite council members

New York City
Darwin Fan/Getty Images

The biggest moment yet for ranked-choice voting, next year's election for mayor of New York, is facing big pushback from politicians in the city who argue the system would disenfranchise nonwhite voters.

Fifteen members of the City Council's Black, Latino and Asian Caucus have launched a bid to delay the use of ranked elections. The nation's biggest city voted a year ago to become the largest jurisdiction in the country to embrace the system, which has emerged as a favorite innovation in the world of democracy reform because of its capacity to promote consensus candidates and diffuse polarizing politics.


But the council members, in a letter Friday to Council Speaker Corey Johnson, said the switch should be put off for two years. There is not enough time, they said, for the oft-criticized Board of Elections to educate an electorate of 5 million that is preoccupied by the coronavirus pandemic — and the absence of sufficient outreach will be felt most acutely by minority voters.

So-called RCV is to be used for primary and special elections for mayor, city council and other municipal offices, allowing voters to rank as many as five candidates in order of preference. The city is so overwhelmingly Democratic that the party's mayoral primary in June will be tantamount to election.

Use of the system — which ends up producing a winner who can claim to have the support of most voters — would have an enormous impact on a mayoral contest in which nearly a dozen Democrats are running to succeed Bill de Blasio, who has reached his two-term limit. Without RCV, one of them could win with only a small fraction of the primary vote.

The Board of Elections plans to begin a public education campaign and poll worker training on ranked-choice voting at the end of December. Two RCV advocacy groups have already begun training campaigns and voters on the new election system.

The first ranked election is supposed to be a Feb. 2 special election to fill a council seat. But the caucus members say six weeks is not enough time.

The election board's "history of failure was underscored this year by a series of embarrassing incidents that many New Yorkers of color rightly perceive as akin to voter suppression: prolonged delivery of absentee ballots, mailing of erroneous absentee ballot envelopes, several hours long waits at poll sites," they said. "Rather than forge ahead with BOE's slipshod implementation process, we have an obligation to pause this transformation."

The switch could be postponed through municipal legislation. Supporters of RCV say doing so would subvert the will of the city, where 74 percent voted for the change only a year ago.

Under ranked-choice voting, if no candidate wins outright by receiving a majority of first-choice votes, an instant run-off system kicks in. The candidate picked No. 1 on the fewest ballots is eliminated, those ballots are reassigned to the second choices, and the process repeats until one candidate is shown to have the support of a majority of voters.

Proponents say the system produces candidates who are more reflective of an electorate's voice, whereas a plurality system favors candidates with a narrow but passionate base. Supporters also say RCV bolsters turnout and the chances of nonwhite candidates.

One of the most prominent Black candidates for mayor, Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams, favored RCV a year ago but has now joined those calling for a delay.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
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The Bottom Line

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