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States Sue D.C. at Record Levels — MN Case May Be the Turning Point

A sweeping rise in state and city lawsuits reveals a deeper constitutional struggle over federal power—one now crystallizing in Minnesota’s challenge to Operation Metro Surge.

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A car with a bullet hole in the windshield.

A bullet hole is seen in the windshield of a vehicle involved in a shooting by an ICE agent during federal law enforcement operations on January 07, 2026 in Minneapolis, Minnesota.

Getty Images, Stephen Maturen

The lawsuit filed this week by Minnesota, Minneapolis, and St. Paul could become a key moment in the ongoing debate between the local, state, and federal governments. While it may seem like a single dispute over federal enforcement, it actually highlights the reasons states and cities are turning to the courts in growing numbers to defend local control, resist politically motivated federal actions, and protect communities from what they deem as disruptive federal power. The Twin Cities’ challenge to Operation Metro Surge, based on claims of First Amendment retaliation, 10th Amendment violations, and arbitrary federal action, reflects a broader national trend. This is not just a local issue; it is part of a growing political battle over the balance of power in American federalism.

States and cities nationwide are filing lawsuits against the federal government at unprecedented rates. In the first year of the current administration, 22 states and Washington, D.C., filed 24 multistate lawsuits challenging federal actions, surpassing the early years of previous administrations. This trend signals a significant breakdown in federal–state relations, driven by political polarization, policy differences, and changes in federal enforcement. As a result, states are increasingly turning to the courts to defend their rights and counter perceived federal overreach.


States and cities are filing cases to protect local control, prevent federal overreach, challenge politically motivated enforcement, retain federal funding, and defend constitutional rights. These lawsuits demonstrate that local governments now rely on the courts as their primary means of defense.

The Twin Cities’ lawsuit is a major constitutional challenge to federal authority. The lawsuit argues that Operation Metro Surge violates the 10th Amendment’s anti-commandeering rule by deploying thousands of federal agents into local law enforcement without consent, disrupting public safety, and overriding state control. They also argue that the operation constitutes First Amendment retaliation, claiming Minnesota was targeted for political reasons rather than genuine law-enforcement needs. In addition, they claim the Department of Homeland Security acted unfairly by sending agents without fraud expertise and by ignoring other states in similar situations. The complaint also says the federal government cannot treat one state more harshly than others without a strong reason. Together, these arguments make this one of the strongest constitutional challenges by a state and its cities in recent years.

The federal surge has had immediate and disruptive effects in the Twin Cities. Schools have gone into lockdown as federal agents move through neighborhoods. Some small businesses have closed temporarily following surprise raids, and local police have been diverted from their regular duties to address the consequences of federal actions they did not request or control. Community members report fear and confusion, with families avoiding public places and organizations providing urgent legal and emotional support. Emergency workers say their systems are strained by increased activity, and city officials warn that public trust is eroding. While the lawsuit proceeds in court, the impact is felt daily in schools, businesses, and neighborhoods across Minneapolis and St. Paul.

The situation in Minneapolis and St. Paul reflects a broader constitutional struggle. Federal actions increasingly lack local input, prompting states and cities to pursue legal action. The Twin Cities’ experience mirrors concerns in other cities about the limits of federal power and the rights of states and cities to govern without political reprisal.

Ultimately, courts will determine whether federal action in Minnesota overreached, but the core issue extends beyond this case. This situation tests the principles of federalism, including whether local communities can govern without political reprisal and whether the Constitution continues to check national power.

Many view the surge of state and city lawsuits as a means to protect democracy. The Twin Cities’ case contributes to a broader effort to ensure that the rule of law, rather than force, defines relations between Washington and local communities. This effort highlights the importance of all levels of government working to uphold the Constitution.


David L. Nevins is the publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.


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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

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Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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