Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Sexual Violence Requires More Than Legal Accountability

Justice for survivors requires prevention, accountability, and cultural change

Opinion

​Protesters hold up signs before the start of a rally in support of a former Cornell University student known as Jane Doe

Protesters hold up signs before the start of a rally in support of a former Cornell University student known as Jane Doe at the Ithaca Commons on October 13, 2026 in Ithaca, New York. The rally was organized by several survivor and activist groups to demand accountability regarding Jane Doe's alleged gang rape she suffered at the Chi Phi fraternity house in 2024. Officials at Cornell University announced they would ban fraternity parties for the remainder of the academic year as the university continues to face scrutiny over their handling of the 2024 rape allegations.

(Photo by Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)

In the wake of public attention to the Cornell fraternity alleged gang-rape, headlines resound with statements of concern and calls for greater accountability. These calls are not new. They have followed countless incidents of sexual violence, whether on a college campus, in connection with work, or within an intimate relationship. Despite decades of law and policy reform, sexual violence continues to run rampant. While law and policy reform are sorely needed, we will not see long-lasting change unless we address what accountability truly means. Our collective response should aim for a world where no one would ever think it was ok to commit, condone, or be a passive witness to sexual violence, never mind that it would be ok to send the kind of text messages that were allegedly exchanged at the Cornell fraternity where the rape allegedly took place.

As policymakers consider reform, a comprehensive approach to accountability should consider the known limitations of criminal and civil justice systems. Problems with the criminal legal system are legion, both within and beyond sexual violence cases. These include racially discriminatory application of laws criminalizing sexual violence, that, for example, have led to harsher punishment when the accused is a person of color and lesser punishment when the survivor is a person of color. Survivors continue to be doubted and subjected to biases and stereotypes, including that survivors lie about their experience, that they somehow invited the violence, or act with self-interest or ulterior motive when coming forward.


Survivors also report concern about turning to the police – they fear that the police will do nothing, will not believe them, and/or will harm them, their partners, or their children in some way. Reporting rates are low, as are rates of convictions.

The civil system can provide valuable, but limited, relief. No doubt, it is a vehicle for financial compensation, for public airing of the nature and harmful impact of gender violence, and can lead to policy change. But survivors are still doubted and dismissed when they are brave enough to come forward. Access to lawyers may be limited, and even when they receive a favorable result,civil cases can take years to resolve; survivors may struggle, and monetary judgments can be difficult to recover monetary judgments can be difficult to recover.

While law reform is critical, it should focus on delivering justice for survivors through actual accountability.

Accountability generally means accepting responsibility for one’s actions. This includes reckoning with the impact of harmful actions on others and committing to non-repetition. Yet, the link between accountability and legal recourse, whether criminal or civil, is tenuous at best. Neither of those systems builds in avenues for reflection, for grappling with the impact of harmful actions on others, for committing to changing behavior in the future, or for ensuring that survivors’ needs are taken into account.

By contrast, restorative practices offer a path for individuals who have caused harm to take responsibility for their actions. Programs on college campuses and beyond have been effective in changing attitudes towards gender violence and reducing its prevalence. Educational coaching also has had promising results in prompting those who cause harm to acknowledge the harm and change their behavior. These strategies require careful preparation and support, and they may not suit all circumstances, but they can be transformative.

Prevention programs are also critical to meaningful accountability approaches. Creative programs engage men in rethinking gender roles and lead participants to encourage other men to join in the project of preventing abuse. They also strive to help men become active allies in speaking up, speaking out, and interrupting peers who perpetuate gender stereotypes or engage in, belittle, or dismiss sexual violence. These and similar programs should be embraced and expanded.

The prevalence and persistence of sexual violence makes clear that the problem goes far beyond any one institution. The recent political advertisement demeaning a survivor of sexual assault is only one example of our culture’s insidious sanctioning of gender violence. It pervades our culture, demanding that we all consider our role in letting it persist. For example, consider how the evening might have proceeded differently if even one of the people on the text thread advertising the gang rape had objected.

Research about bystander intervention demonstrates the power of interrupting acts of gender violence in reducing violence. No doubt, interrupting violence may be particularly challenging now, given the hyper-masculine culture in which we currently live, fueled by a president who has been held liable for sexual abuse, who belittles those who speak up, and who celebrates aggression. The failure to effectively create any accountability for the rampant sexual violence surrounding Jeffrey Epstein speaks volumes about the extent of resistance to grappling with and ending gender violence.

If we do not embrace the wider goal of culture change and commit to doing our parts as we also support needed law reform, we should be prepared to be in the same place, confronting another horrifying example of gender violence, in the not-too-distant future.

Julie Goldscheid is Professor Emerita at CUNY Law School, adjunct professor of law at New York University School of Law, and a volunteer with Lawyers Defending American Democracy.


Read More

A gavel.

From the Gilded Age to Citizens United, discover how recent Supreme Court rulings empower mega-donors, reshape party spending, and impact American democracy.

Getty Images, David Talukdar

Supreme Court’s Campaign Finance Rulings Help the GOP

American elections have always been dominated by moneyed interests. For instance, during America’s last Gilded Age, in the presidential election of 1896, William McKinley, the Republican candidate, outspent his Democratic challenger by $3.5 million (roughly $140 million in today's dollars) to $400,000 (approximately $16 million today). McKinley went on to win the election with the help of robber baron J.P. Morgan and monopoly Standard Oil. As the example shows, powerful special interests have often translated their vast economic power into political influence. But recent court decisions threaten to permanently entrench the financial imbalance between the Republican and Democratic parties.

In this light, the Republican National Committee’s (RNC) decision to transfer more than $50 million to beleaguered congressional campaigns across the country must be judged. The impact of this massive infusion of cash into the otherwise struggling Senate campaigns cannot be overemphasized. On the other side, the Democratic National Committee (DNC) cannot match the GOP’s deep pockets filled by the likes of Elon Musk. The Republicans, even before this deluge of special interest money, enjoyed financial advantages. The money is coming at a particularly pivotal moment in the campaign as Republicans find themselves electorally underwater due to Trump’s unpopularity.

Keep Reading Show less
Close up of a judge hammering a gavel

Investigations, indictments, dismissals, convictions: what each means and the questions to ask before judging claims of political weaponization of the law.

Chris Collins/Getty Images

Just the Facts: Trump, DOJ and the Legal Process

The Fulcrum approaches news stories with an open mind and skepticism, presenting our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, we remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


The legal battles involving the Trump administration have become a constant feature of American politics and governance. Supporters often argue that many lawsuits and investigations are politically motivated attempts to block the administration's agenda. Critics contend that certain actions by the administration and the Department of Justice are themselves politically motivated or represent an improper use of government power.

Keep Reading Show less
gavel on top of a US flag
a judge's gavel on top of a flag
Photo by Bermix Studio on Unsplash

60 Former DOJ Attorneys Oppose California Election Lawsuit

Sixty former Department of Justice attorneys from both Democratic and Republican administrations are urging a federal appeals court to reject the Justice Department's last-minute intervention in California's election. They argue that the intervention violates longstanding department policies designed to prevent election interference. The former officials cite guidelines such as Justice Manual Section 9-85.500, which advises against overt investigative or prosecutorial steps near an election, and the department's non-interference policy, which seeks to avoid actions that could affect election outcomes or integrity.

In an amicus brief filed by the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU Law and Complex Appellate Litigation Group LLP, the former officials argue that DOJ is taking the unusual step of seeking election-related relief just days before the midterm election, contrary to department policies that discourage such actions near Election Day. They say these policies aim to prevent election interference, discourage voter participation, or disrupt election administration. The brief cites United States v. Cohen, 152 F.3d 321 (4th Cir. 1998), where courts recognized the importance of avoiding last-minute changes to election procedures. The amici also cite Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1 (2006), in which the Supreme Court cautioned against altering election rules close to an election, as such changes can cause confusion and undermine public confidence in the electoral process.

Keep Reading Show less
Shadow on a wall of Judge hitting gavel in court, concept of justice, law, and legal protection

DOJ lawsuits in Alaska and California preview post-Election Day fights over certification and seating winners. Here’s how officials and voters can prepare.

Aitor Diago / Getty Images

The Lawsuits Will Lose. The Delays Will Still Win.

Less than two weeks before Election Day, President Trump’s Justice Department asked a federal court to stop Alaska from certifying its U.S. Senate race if Republican Sen. Dan Sullivan loses to Democrat Mary Peltola. The lawsuit claims that a second candidate on the ballot, Daniel J. Sullivan, will confuse voters. That argument went nowhere in June, when the Alaska Supreme Court ruled that the state had no legal way to remove him from the ballot. Asked about the suit, the president took credit. “I’m the one that said do it,” he told reporters.

Alongside the Alaska suit, the Trump administration sued California to keep the state from counting mail ballots from 20,000 people it calls “likely” noncitizens. Over the summer, the Department of Homeland Security put that number at 190,000. Legal experts expect both suits to fail, as so many suits like them have. Still, Alaska and California give us an early look at what the weeks after November 3rd could bring: recount demands, calls to review or throw out ballots, and pressure to delay seating winners.

Keep Reading Show less