I’m not sure what to call the new era we seem to be entering. But I am sure it will make people poorer.
Let’s start with some basics. Imagine you inherit a thriving department store chain. Rather than listen to experts on consumer trends, supply-chain logistics, human resources, etc., you instead opt to go with your gut. Rather than follow market research or anything like that, you prefer to just hire your friends and do business with vendors who flatter you or sell stuff you think is cool. Under such a “system,” you might make some good business decisions, but odds are very strong that you’ll more often make bad ones. The rep from the Pet Rock supplier who gives you a “World’s Greatest Businessman” award gets his products in the store window.
I chose a department store for this analogy because that’s precisely how President Trump thinks about international trade, and the American economy in general. He sees America like “a department store, and we set the price. I meet with the companies, and then I set a fair price, what I consider to be a fair price.” In Trump’s mind, that’s what tariffs are, even though they are mostly paid for by American consumers.
The problem, beyond the basic economic illiteracy inherent in the analogy, is that Trump keeps changing the “price” based on noneconomic considerations. To name just the most recent example (of many), over the weekend the president declared that he’ll tear up trade deals he made with eight European allies and levy tariffs on their goods until they acquiesce to his demands for Greenland.
Now, in almost every business, there’s a little favoritism — giving a job or promotion to a nephew, offering a lucrative contract to a friend. But it’s understood that these are deviations from sound business practices. For Trump, sound business practices are the deviation from his policy of favoritism.
I should note that there are other forms of more explicitly ideological favoritism. For decades, many on the left have championed policies that prioritize social or political goals over sound economics. They’ve gone by different labels, including “social responsibility,” which morphed into things such as environmental, social and governance investing and diversity, equity and inclusion. But the idea is always the same: The government should impose standards and policies based on something other than profit-seeking and shareholder value. This is not always wrong, either. Child labor and worker safety laws, for example, are worth the costs they impose.
Such examples are outnumbered by countless other laws and regulations that replace economic decision-making with political expediency. Populism has historically been one of the main drivers of such distortions. Hence, it should surprise no one that Trump and Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Massachusetts, see eye to eye on capping credit card interest rates.
What differentiates Warren from Trump is that she’s a traditional progressive populist ideologue arguing from a body of thought that exists as much on her bookshelf as in her own head. Trump’s approach resides entirely in his gut.
As a free market guy, I don’t trust Warren’s bookshelf or Trump’s gut.
Which gets us to why this new era — let’s call it, the post-globalist era — will make us poorer.
Across the world, corporations large and small are making business decisions based upon geopolitical and plain old political calculations. Nowhere is this more obvious than international trade. If you think tariffs can rise at a moment’s notice because the president of the United States woke up on the wrong side of the bed, you’re going to hedge against that risk. Firms around the world are reorganizing their supply chains to become less reliant on the American market (and in some cases the Russian and Chinese markets). Almost by definition, these moves are not maximally efficient. Less efficiency equals less productivity. Less productivity equals less wealth creation and growth.
But it’s also true in other ways. If you know that the department store’s new boss likes gold, you’re going to paint more of your Pet Rocks gold. If the management insists on taking partial ownership of your company — something Trump has done more than any president in modern history — you’re going to make defensive decisions aimed at not pissing them off. As the Economist reports, everywhere you look, multinational companies are making decisions based on geopolitical considerations. “When companies are forced to allocate capital on geopolitical lines, they become less productive, reducing prosperity for all.”
For nearly my entire adult life, American conservatives understood this basic point and argued against excessive political or ideological distortions of markets. Remember all that talk about “picking winners and losers” and “crony capitalism” in the Obama era?
But for some reason, many conservatives think it’s fine to outsource economic decision-making to a single man. And most of us will be poorer for it.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.




















President Donald Trump says Americans’ financial struggles matter “not even a little bit” as inflation rises, gas prices surge, and a controversial $1.7 billion taxpayer-funded compensation plan for political allies emerges.
Trump Says Americans’ Pain ‘Doesn’t Matter’ as $1.7B Aids His Allies
Perhaps the most effective ad in the 2024 campaign was “Kamala is for they/them. President Trump is for you.” Since that ad ran, the American people have learned that it is anything but true.
With gas prices having surged 28% in two months, inflation climbing to a three-year high of 3.8%, and the average family is spending an estimated $5,000 more this year than last due to rising costs across the board, a reporter asked Trump a simple question: To what extent are Americans’ financial situations motivating him to reach a deal to end the war in Iran?
Trump's answer was startling in its candor.
“Not even a little bit,” the President said. “The only thing that matters when I'm talking about Iran — they can't have a nuclear weapon. I don't think about Americans' financial situation. I don't think about anybody.”
But perhaps the most clarifying lens through which to view those words is what emerged just days later: Trump was suing the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) for $10 billion in damages over an IRS contractor’s leak of his tax returns but is now expected to drop that $10 billion lawsuit, not because justice has been served, but in exchange for the creation of a $1.7 billion fund to compensate his political allies.
The money would come not from any congressional appropriation but from the Treasury Department's Judgment Fund, a public fund funded by taxpayers that exists to pay legitimate court judgments against the federal government.
Under the proposed terms, a five-member commission with total authority to disburse that $1.7 billion would operate with no obligation to disclose its procedures or decision-making. Trump himself would retain the power to remove commission members without cause.
The beneficiaries? Among them: the nearly 1,600 individuals charged in connection with the January 6 Capitol attack, some of whom pleaded guilty, and people Trump already pardoned upon returning to office, as well as allies who claim they were targets of “weaponization” of the legal system under former President Joe Biden. Entities associated with Trump himself are not explicitly barred from filing claims.
The contrast here is not subtle. When asked directly whether the financial pain of working Americans factors into his decision-making, the president answers “not even a little bit.”
Yet within the same week, a deal surfaces in which $1.7 billion in public funds could flow to Trump allies, Proud Boys, Oath Keepers, and potentially Trump-linked entities — all under a commission the president controls, with no transparency requirements.
While ordinary Americans are losing ground financially, the president himself is doing remarkably well — and the numbers are staggering.
According to Forbes, Trump's net worth jumped from roughly $2.3 billion when he returned to the White House in January 2025 to an estimated $6.3 billion by April 2026 — nearly tripling his fortune in little over a year.
A New York Times investigation found that he personally gained approximately $1.4 billion in 2025 alone, a single-year increase that approaches the combined net worth of every other U.S. president while in office throughout American history.
The primary engine of that growth has not been real estate, the business that built his brand over five decades, but rather cryptocurrency ventures, meme coins, and media deals, all industries he has simultaneously deregulated from the Oval Office.
The American people are not the constituency this president governs for. The data bears that out. Real wages are losing ground as energy costs surge. The personal savings rate has dropped to 4%. Small businesses have shed hundreds of thousands of jobs under the weight of tariffs. Gas sits at over $4 a gallon. And the president's answer to the question of whether your financial pain is even in his mind is: no.
There is, of course, an argument to be made that preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon is a legitimate and serious national security priority that may justify some economic disruption.
But that argument is entirely separate from whether a president should care about the daily financial suffering of the people he was elected to serve. One can hold two things in mind at once. Trump apparently cannot — or will not.
We clearly have a portrait of a president whose conception of governance begins and ends with him and his loyalists. And when ordinary Americans ask if their struggles even register, they get the most honest answer this administration has offered: not even a little bit.
Lynn Schmidt is a columnist and Editorial Board member with the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. She holds a master's of science in political science as well as a bachelor's of science in nursing.