Toxic polarization isn’t only on Twitter. Many companies are witnessing first-hand how contentious social and political issues create workplace conflict and reduce productivity. It’s a bottom-line business issue, and corporate leaders are seeking solutions. How can businesses help repair America’s social fabric — both in and out of the workplace?
Site Navigation
Search
Latest Stories
Start your day right!
Get latest updates and insights delivered to your inbox.
Top Stories
Latest news
Read More

Political violence has deep roots in American history. From 1968 to today, Jeanne Sheehan Zaino explore why violence remains a force for change in U.S. society.
Getty Images, B.S.P.I.
Despair Is Defeat
Dec 30, 2025
In recent days, headlines have carried a familiar and unsettling refrain: a shooting at Brown University; gunfire at a Chanukah celebration on Bondi Beach; a violent attack at the doorstep of a professor in Brookline, Massachusetts. Each incident is different, yet together they form a troubling pattern. American life is increasingly interrupted by violence, intolerance, and the erosion of the civic norms that once sustained our democracy.
These interruptions are no longer rare. They come in schools, houses of worship, public gatherings, and private homes from coast to coast. They disrupt daily life and our understanding of what it means to share a society with people of different identities and beliefs. When individuals begin to see those who disagree with them not as neighbors but as enemies, democracy begins to unravel.
My latest research interest focuses on President James A. Garfield, the subject of the Netflix series Death by Lightning. Garfield is often remembered as a historical footnote, a promising leader whose presidency lasted just 200 days before he was assassinated in 1881. Yet his life story is extraordinary: he rose from poverty and familial instability to become a scholar, Civil War general, congressman, and ultimately president, a position he neither sought nor campaigned for.
It was Garfield’s death, however, rather than his accomplishments, that shaped his legacy. He was killed by a man who believed his personal grievance justified reshaping the nation through violence. The specific circumstances may feel distant, but the underlying dynamic of grievance untethered from democratic guardrails is painfully recognizable today.
Garfield understood this danger long before he became its victim. He wrote: “Next in importance to freedom and justice is popular education, without which neither freedom nor justice can be permanently maintained.” For Garfield, education was the cornerstone of self-government, the means by which citizens develop responsibility, character, and the civic habits that allow a diverse people to resolve conflict without abandoning democracy for force.
We are sadly again confronting a moment when violence has become the language of despair. Hate crimes are rising. Threats against public officials have become commonplace. School shootings are traumatizing a generation. Social media accelerates division and dehumanization. Political rhetoric rewards outrage rather than understanding. Many Americans feel unmoored and afraid.
If the disease is despair and disconnection, then the treatment must be civic formation.
Civic education is not an enrichment program or a list of governmental facts. It is the shared work of shaping citizens who understand how to sustain a free society. Done well, it teaches students how to disagree without distrust, how to balance rights with responsibilities, how to evaluate information, how to listen and argue, and how to see themselves as part of something larger than their own tribal network online. These are the dispositions that allow a pluralistic democracy to function and thrive.
At a time when many young people feel disempowered, angry, or unheard, civic education also provides agency and offers alternatives grounded in dignity and shared purpose. And at a time when violence interrupts the fabric of daily life, civic education helps repair the bonds that violence seeks to sever.
History also offers us voices of resilience. Rabbi Morris Adler of Detroit, a towering figure in American Jewish leadership, was murdered during Shabbat services in 1966 by a congregant in crisis. While cut down at the prime of his life, Adler consistently insisted that civic responsibility begins with refusing to surrender to hopelessness. His words inspired his community then and remind us today that “We dare not despair of the future, for despair is defeat before the battle is joined.”
As the United States approaches its 250th anniversary in 2026, Garfield’s approach to liberty and Adler’s steadfast embrace of hope feel newly urgent. A democratic society is not inherited fully formed; it must be taught, practiced, and renewed by every generation.
This sacred enterprise continues each day because our national future depends on it.
Savenor is a rabbi and executive director of Civic Spirit, a nonpartisan organization that provides training and resources to faith-based schools across the United States.
Keep ReadingShow less
Recommended

Universities are embracing “institutional neutrality,” but at places like the University of Florida it’s becoming a tool to silence faculty and erode academic freedom.
Getty Images, Bryan Pollard
When Insisting on “Neutrality” Becomes a Gag Order
Dec 30, 2025
Universities across the country are adopting policies under the banner of “institutional neutrality,” which, at face value, sounds entirely reasonable. A university’s official voice should remain measured, cautious, and focused on its core mission regardless of which elected officials are in office. But two very different interpretations of institutional neutrality are emerging.
At places like the University of Wisconsin – Madison and Harvard, neutrality is applied narrowly and traditionally: the institution itself refrains from partisan political statements, while faculty leaders and scholars remain free to speak in their professional and civic capacities. Elsewhere, the same term is being applied far more aggressively — not to restrain institutions, but to silence individuals.
The University of Florida — my own alma mater — is one of those schools where institutional neutrality is being used to squelch far more than just the voice of the university and its top leadership. UF’s rule bars a deeper layer of campus “leaders” — including department chairs, program directors, and faculty administrators — from making statements that top-level administrators could interpret as political, even when those statements arise from professional expertise rather than any official university role. It’s one thing for a university president to refrain from endorsing candidates. It’s another to tell the head of an athletic program that advocating for Title IX protections is now too “political,” or to punish a department chair for defending the integrity of their curriculum.
Those examples aren’t hypothetical — this kind of speech has long been part of UF’s identity. In 2002, UF Athletic Director Jeremy Foley publicly defended the university’s commitment to women’s athletics at a time when some sought to scale back Title IX enforcement. He called gender equity in sports “the biggest dilemma facing us” and made clear UF would expand opportunities rather than shrink them. That stance was political and principled — and it strengthened the university.
A decade later, Dr. Paul Ortiz, director of UF’s Samuel Proctor Oral History Program, spoke out when political pressure threatened to limit how UF faculty could teach subjects such as race, inequality, and Florida’s contested histories. As faculty union president, he warned that outside influence was already narrowing what scholars could say in the classroom. His remarks were pointed and public — exactly the kind of intellectual honesty universities depend on.
Under UF’s definition of “neutrality,” both of these statements would be forbidden. Foley and Ortiz were not issuing university proclamations; they were exercising the civic and professional responsibility their roles demand. Silencing voices like theirs doesn’t make a university neutral. It makes it timid — and turns an institution into a place unwilling to let its own experts speak.
This policy arrives at a moment when independent internal voices at UF matter more than ever. Over the past year, the university’s presidential search became a political spectacle. Former U.S. Senator Ben Sasse resigned abruptly as university president. University of Michigan President Santa Ono was then unanimously approved by the Board of Trustees to become UF’s next president — only to have the appointment blocked when the state’s Board of Governors refused to confirm him after grilling him over DEI programs at Michigan. UF has since hired Donald Landry on an interim basis, under a contract that ties key elements of the role to Tallahassee’s culture-war priorities. When key variables in a university’s leadership are explicitly aligned with political priorities, restricting internal voices removes a critical check on power.
Contrast UF’s approach with how other major universities have handled institutional neutrality. At the University of Wisconsin–Madison, the policy is narrowly defined: the institution refrains from partisan political statements, but it does not police the speech of department chairs, program directors, or faculty leaders acting as individuals. Harvard and other institutions have taken a similar approach, limiting neutrality to official university communications rather than the voices of scholars and academic leaders. The institution stays neutral; the people who make the institution excellent remain free to speak.
That is the correct balance. UF’s approach is not.
Universities nationwide are grappling with how to remain institutionally neutral without suppressing academic freedom. The choices being made now will determine whether neutrality serves as a guardrail for public trust or a mechanism for enforced silence.
Florida’s political environment makes the consequences especially stark. Higher education in the state is already under pressure from sweeping legislation affecting academic freedom, admissions, curricula, and hiring.
As a UF graduate, I want my alma mater to model intellectual courage, not fear. A university can function without political statements from its president. It cannot function if the people responsible for teaching, research, and student advocacy are told their expertise is too risky to share.
Neutrality, in its honest form, protects institutional trust. But used as it is at UF — and increasingly elsewhere — neutrality becomes a gag order.
And if this shift stands, the silence won’t reflect restraint at all. It will reflect the cost of speaking the truth in institutions that once existed to protect it.
Brent McKenzie is a writer and educator based in the United States. He is the creator of Idiots & Charlatans, a watchdog-style website focused on democratic values and climate change. He previously taught in Brussels and has spent the majority of his professional career in educational publishing.
Keep ReadingShow less
What a Year of “Democracy Builder” Responses Tells Us
Dec 30, 2025
Source: The Dallas Morning News
Looking across the data, several clear patterns emerge.
1) Systemic change outranks short-term wins
When asked what excites them most about improving democracy, one priority clearly stood out. 28% of respondents selected developing long-term plans for systemic change and another 18% emphasized mobilizing communities to take action. Additionally, 18% focused on modernizing elections through innovation. Taken together, a majority of respondents (nearly two-thirds) favored structural or long-horizon change rather than issue-specific or short-term reforms. This suggests that many are thinking strategically about redesigning systems that can endure political cycles.
2) Polarization is seen as a structural problem
When asked to identify the biggest challenge facing democracy today, responses clustered even more tightly. 39% of respondents cited political polarization and declining trust and 33% pointed to the need for structural changes to improve representation. Together, over 70% of respondents framed democracy’s core challenge as a systemic failure, not merely a cultural or informational one.
Far fewer respondents identified lack of civic engagement (10%) or outdated technology (9%) as the primary problem. Barriers to voting and concerns about government overreach each accounted for less than 5% of responses.
This pattern reinforces a well-founded understanding that polarization is widely understood as something institutions and parties produce and reward, not just something voters bring with them.
3) Reform priorities are broad, but representation leads
When respondents were asked what single change they would enact if they could, no option achieved a majority, but the distribution is still telling. The largest share of respondents (32%) prioritized reforms aimed at improving representation and accountability. Another 22% focused on reforming electoral rules and political incentives, while 19% emphasized expanding participation alongside stronger governance capacity. The remaining responses were spread across smaller categories, underscoring the absence of a singular reform consensus. Notably, representation-focused reforms outpaced participation-centered approaches by more than ten percentage points.
Rather than a single solution, respondents saw democratic reform as an ecosystem needing coordinated changes in representation, participation, and institutional design. This dispersion reflects systems-level thinking that democratic failures rarely stem from a single rule or institution, and that lasting reform requires alignment across governance aspects.
4) Compromise is valued but not unconditionally
Responses to questions about compromise reveal nuanced insights. No single view commanded a majority. Instead, 25% of respondents said compromise is acceptable as long as equity and access are protected, 19% emphasized the importance of finding common ground, and 18% stressed that compromise is necessary but not at the expense of individual rights. Taken together, a clear majority endorsed compromise, but only under defined democratic conditions. Very few respondents (4%) viewed compromise as secondary to mobilization alone. The dominant position on compromise is conditional, with principled compromise tied to legitimacy, inclusion, and democratic accountability.
5) People and possibilities inspire more than institutions alone
Finally, when asked what inspires them most about democracy, respondents consistently pointed to human agency over formal structures. Nearly one third (32%) highlighted the potential to build something truly representative, while 20% emphasized democracy’s role in protecting people from tyranny, and 18% pointed to the energy of people working together for change. Across responses, human agency consistently outranked institutional form. Democracy is a collective project based on participation, experimentation, and shared responsibility, rather than a fixed set of rules.
Democracy builder type breakdown
The following summarizes the results from the 130 respondents:
🧠 The Strategist (34%)
Strategists dominate quiz-takers, indicating many democracy builders focus on long-term systems, incentives, and institutional design over single-issue fixes.
🔗 The Connector (20%)
Connectors, the second-largest group, highlight the movement’s focus on coalition-building, cross-sector ties, and turning ideas into shared action.
💡 The Innovator (14%)
Innovators focus on new models, tools, and experiments, often seeking ways to modernize democracy through creative or technical approaches.
🤝 The Includer (13%)
Includers focus on equity, access, and representation, showing how vital inclusion is to democracy-building, even if not seen as a separate reform.
🛡️ The Guardian (11%)
Guardians focus on protecting democratic norms, rights, and institutions due to fears of backsliding and eroding trust.
📣 The Mobilizer (9%)
Mobilizers focus on energizing individuals and turning concern into action, representing a smaller but often vital part in maintaining movement momentum.
In total, a majority (54%) of respondents fall into the Strategist or Connector types, signaling strong interest in systems-level change and coalition-building. No single type dominates completely, suggesting the democracy reform space is pluralistic by design, with complementary strengths. A healthy democracy needs all of these! The distribution reflects a movement that values design, relationships, and experimentation at least as much as mobilization alone.
These findings help explain why Expand Democracy’s work sits at the intersection of research, convening, incubation, and experimentation. Democracy builders are asking for better systems, better evidence, and better connections across silos. As we move into the next year of Expand Democracy’s work, these responses will continue to inform how we support the people already doing the hard work of democratic strengthening.
Methodological note: Percentages reflect responses to individual quiz questions; not all respondents answered every question. Results are descriptive and reflect a self-selected group of Democracy Builder Quiz participants.
Expand Democracy’s Substack is a reader-supported publication.
Keep ReadingShow less

As the U.S. approaches its 250th anniversary, these themes explore how democracy is sustained through philanthropy, local action, trust, storytelling, and shared civic power.
26 Lessons for 2026 - Part II
Dec 30, 2025
Picking up from where I left off, here's the second half of 26 themes that have emerged leading into 2026, when we'll observe America at 250. Again, where possible and appropriate, I cite sources and seek to give credit where it’s due. If I’ve misattributed anything, please tell me and I’ll fix it. And if there's something you'd add, I'd love to know.
(CLICK the > next to each number for the full content of each theme.)

14. Recognize – and Respect – the Role of Everyone in that Big Tent (The 3Ts: Time, Talent, Treasure)

15. Stop Demanding Ideological Purity Already!

16. Embrace the Ripple Effect of Small Actions

17. Research Matters, But Be Data-Informed, Not Data-Driven

18. Change Doesn’t Happen Overnight. It Requires Long-Term Investment. (Philanthropy Part 1)

19. Democracy Work is More Than Elections (Philanthropy Part 2)

20. Real Risk Requires Funding Safety & Protection (Philanthropy Part 3)

21. People Live Local. So, Fund Local Connection & Capacity (Philanthropy Part 4)

22. Communities Know What They Need. Trust the Messiness.

23. Keep Experts on Tap, Not on Top

24. Joy is a Civic Tool!

25. Recognize the Role of Art in Civic Connection

26. Stories and Narrative Shape How We Understand the World - and Our Role in it.
This list isn’t short.
It may be fair to sum it up by saying embrace your power. Whether as a citizen, a funder, a communications professional, an expert or any other role, be real, talk to real people, collaborate for real solutions (not to feed your ego), embrace the fact that you don’t know exactly how every meeting, every project, and every campaign will go - democracy truly is an experiment.
26 Lessons for 2026 - Part II was originally published by Stories Change Power and is republished with permission.
Keep ReadingShow less
Load More
















