Fitch is the president and CEO of the Congressional Management Foundation and a former congressional staffer.
There is an old, possibly apocryphal joke in Congress about a member who had a reputation for lashing out at his staff. During a recess an aide was giving a tour and walked into the member’s personal office. The visitor noticed an “X” taped on the floor about 10 feet away from the lawmaker’s desk. The visitor asked, “Is that where the member likes you to stand in meetings?” “No,” the staffer replied, “that’s how far he can throw the phone.”
The recent, extraordinary outpouring of anonymous congressional staff quotes on Instagram is shining a light on some of the open secrets of working for Congress. Significant numbers of staff experience poor working conditions, low pay and sometimes demeaning, even abusive, treatment by their bosses. As an organization that has been studying this unique work environment for 45 years, we at the Congressional Management Foundation were not surprised.
Congressional staffers have had a lot to say about their jobs:
“These days we just work, work, work … in inadequate facilities for extremely long hours.”
“The biggest challenge for keeping staff in Congress today is the toxic political atmosphere.”
“Unless the House wants to rely entirely on the advice of lobbyists and Washington insiders, it is imperative that the degradation to House salaries is halted and reversed.”
These comments are not from “Dear White Staffers,” but from an open-ended question on a CMF survey conducted … 10 years ago. We’ve heard similar comments from staff for decades, and the toxicity of the political environment has only grown since Jan. 6, 2021. In a snap CMF poll of about 100 congressional staffers about three months after the attack on the Capitol, we found that 57 percent of those from both parties said they had to field threatening messages on a “daily or near daily basis.”
Despite this, Congress remains a prize on a resume. Usually, staffers turn over fast and others are waiting for their chance. But that may be changing. Recently, I spoke with a senior Senate manager who is used to fielding a constant flood of unsolicited resumes from job seekers. “Lately,” she said, “the flood has become a trickle.”
Consider these numbers from CMF surveys:
- Only 5 percent of congressional staff are very satisfied with their chamber’s human resource infrastructure.
- Just 41 percent are very satisfied with their “overall office culture.”
- And less than one quarter — 22 percent — said they were very satisfied with “communications between employees and senior management.”
In 2018, the House of Representatives recognized the perils of mismanagement — not just to the institution of Congress, but also to members’ ability to serve their constituents. This was the reasoning behind the creation of the Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress. In three years, the committee has made more than 150 recommendations and has been a shining example of bipartisan collaboration to solve pressing problems.
But more must be done. The survey by the Progressive Staff Association, which documented a “toxic” work environment, and the pay study by Issue One highlighting that many junior staff aren’t even paid a living wage — just the latest in a long list of warning signs. Congress must treat this as a crisis — it must reform Congress as a workplace before it’s too late.
CMF urges Congress to make the following changes to improve workplace conditions for staff and enhance the House and Senate as desirable careers for public servants.
Establish a salary threshold for junior staff. Too many staffers have to take a second job just to make ends meet. Let’s compare Congress to the executive branch, where a new junior level staff assistant, GS-5, working at the Internal Revenue Service would start at a salary of $40,883. There are many staff assistants and legislative correspondents working in the House for less than that amount. A minimum salary floor would ensure a decent living wage for staff. Public servants charged with helping the legislative branch craft laws that benefit all Americans shouldn’t have to hold a second job or apply for food stamps to get by. The Select Committee on Modernization of Congress is the perfect bipartisan advisor on this topic and could make a recommendation, having studied congressional salaries and benefits for three years.
Pay overtime. In 1995, with great fanfare, Congress passed the Congressional Accountability Act, which purportedly would force Congress to live by the same laws as the rest of America. Unfortunately, Congress has used a loophole in the law’s implementation to avoid paying employees overtime as if it were a private entity. Here’s how the loophole works: The Congressional Accountability Act applies certain rights and protections of the Fair Labor Standards Act to congressional staff, among them overtime. However, Congress hasn’t kept up with passing the implementing regulations establishing a minimum salary threshold for employees. The Department of Labor has changed the minimum salary threshold for overtime eligibility to $35,568 for American businesses. Because Congress has not kept up, the threshold for overtime remains what it was in 1996: $13,000. Congress should thoroughly examine this and make changes to ensure the institution is not only living up to the letter of the Congressional Accountability Act but the spirit, as well.
Fix unfairness in the student loan repayment program. Currently, some House staff get more student loan benefits than others through a quirk in the way this important program was set up. The House should change the student loan repayment program so that all staff have equal opportunity to equal benefits. Instead of doling out these benefits per office they should be apportioned per employee, just like other employment benefits. Currently, each office receives the same amount and independently decides how to distribute it among staff. If one office has four staffers utilizing the program, and another office has two, the staffers in the office with fewer participating could be getting greater benefits. Would you distribute transit benefits this way, with one office giving some staff $150 per month in pre-tax benefits and another office giving staff $200? We recommend changing the student loan repayment program to replicate transit or health care benefits and transfer all administration of the program to institutional offices of the House.
Raise the staffer-per-office cap. The number of staff per office in the House was established by law in 1979. Can you name me any other industry that established a maximum cap on employees during the disco era? The Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress has recommended raising the cap on the number of staff currently serving in member offices. This recommendation also was included in a little-noticed House inspector general report released last month. This limit often prevents offices from offering opportunities to worthy employees or intern candidates. For example, we know of many offices that could accommodate more part-time staff or paid interns if the cap was changed. And, if there is resistance to lifting or eliminating the staff ceiling, perhaps consider a carve-out that certain individuals would not count against the ceiling, such as interns, veterans, individuals with disabilities, etc.
Enhance the diversity of congressional staff. The Congressional Management Foundation began documenting the demographics of congressional staff in the 1980s. This important work was continued recently by the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, and the House Office of Diversity and Inclusion released an amazing interactive report in 2021. Of course, there are logical social justice reasons for diversifying the congressional workforce, but there are managerial reasons as well. In the private sector, research has demonstrated that more diverse businesses are more profitable. A 2001 CMF study showed that 3.1 percent of staff in a “leadership” position in Senate personal offices were Black. A similar study by the Joint Center examining top staff in Senate offices for 2015-2020 showed no change. A Congress that does not reflect the constituents it represents can hardly be called a “representative body.” Congress needs to make significantly more investments in diversifying their workforce in all senses of the word.
The comments from “Dear White Staffers” also suggest that staffers don’t know, or are afraid to exercise, their rights as employees. The Office of Congressional Workplace Rights was set up just for this purpose. The House of Representatives recently established a new onboarding program for employees — just like you might experience in a company — which includes information on employee rights. The Senate needs to follow this example to ensure employees have a voice in their workplace and treatment.
These are just some basic proposals Congress should adopt. The Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress has dozens more, all worthy of consideration. And, we have not even touched on the individual improvements members of Congress and congressional managers should adopt, which can only be done on an office by office basis. And we’re pained to point out that there are not just managerial reasons for improvement. In recent years two members of Congress were forced to resign over the mismanagement of their offices: one for alleged financial malfeasance and another for allowing an apparent hostile work environment to continue. An improved office culture results in lower turnover and a more engaged team, resulting in political benefits to the member of Congress.
While it’s always easy to bash Congress, dismissing it as a backward and hostile work environment does not provide a complete picture of congressional staff and Congress as a workplace. In a 2011 CMF survey we asked a simple question: “What does working in Congress mean to you?” We received more than 600 positive comments, nearly all proclaiming the employees’ patriotism and humbly conveying how honored they felt to be public servants.
While the working conditions in Congress may have deteriorated in recent years and enthusiasm for public service diminished because of the pandemic, threats and attacks, one thing hasn’t changed: Congress is still populated with an amazing group of public servants dedicated to improving the lives of the American people. House and Senate leaders have a responsibility to create the type of workplace where these public servants can grow and thrive as professionals in the service of the nation.




















Children watch a July Fourth Parade along the Walkway of Heroes and Independence Avenue on July 04, 2026 in Tappan, New York.
The Great American Grumpfest
Our nation’s 250th birthday party didn’t feel especially patriotic and wasn’t as much fun as the 200th anniversary was.
President Trump, who did his best to co-opt our holiday for his personal aggrandizement, was a major reason. The party he threw in Washington, D.C., was crankier than uplifting, and less about celebrating our shared past and a promising future than about reminding us how far we have strayed from our founders’ plan to create a republic that future Americans would keep in good working order.
Credit Trump this much. He has a singular gift for picking at scabs that other politicians would rather ignore and pushing us into reckonings we don’t need.
The thing is, Americans have seen all this before. Sometimes the makeover we were encouraged to undertake was more conservative, sometimes more liberal. Whatever direction we were pushing, however, the reckoning we had in mind this time had to be more forthright and the conclusion more definitive than it was the last time.
Our current discontents, the ones behind the reckoning President Trump has been trying to inspire, are not trivial. Included among them are immigration, birthright citizenship, exploding healthcare costs, election rigging, a gag-inducing national debt, how we educate our children, too many genders, racial differences we can’t move past, a lopsided economy that favors more well-off Americans, and historic levels of political corruption and graft. Add to these the several foreign adventures he has pushed us into or is anxious to undertake, and you have the makings of a national headache the likes of which we haven’t had in half a century.
All the elbow-throwing and overheated rhetoric we’re using today have begun to look almost normal in all the ways that bickering neighbors and feuding family members appear normal. But they have also made us look mean-spirited and have portrayed our differences as irreconcilable. To ourselves, of course, but also to many people outside the United States who might be forgiven for turning their heads and not looking at the national car wreck we Americans show no interest in avoiding.
The good news, as I suggested above, is that Americans have had a great deal of practice dealing with challenges and national car wrecks like these.
This essay begins to lay out the reasons why.
By way of illustration, we have our seemingly insatiable demand for more bad news about race in America.
Sixty years after being released from the legal constrictions that bedeviled both white and black Americans, many white people have come to believe the color that used to make them unassailable is now a sign of a moral inferiority born of a racial animus they can never wash off. Many black people, on the other hand, are insisting that America is as hopelessly stacked against them as the formerly unassailable white people’s ancestors used to tell their black ones.
The result is that many people today are buying into racist nightmares and mumbo jumbo that their black and white ancestors worked hard and effectively to put in each other’s heads.
This might be dismissed as crazy behavior if it weren’t so important to rituals Americans have long used to express their deepest fears about each other while figuring out what move they can make that won’t end with their world crashing down on everybody’s head.
Unfortunately, the kind of cultural sleight of hand we have used to ramp up our racial differences has been appropriated by people who have many other cultural fears and unresolved differences with each other. Their clumsy but culturally prescribed missteps are making all these other issues look as irremediable as our racial problems.
A good place to start an answer to how we back away from ledges is Alexis de Tocqueville’s writing on early-19th-century American democracy. He had an optimistic take on Americans’ unscripted displays of public bravado, recrimination, and payback.
For him, these were occasions when people tried to mitigate the effects of the unfair hand they were dealing someone else or had themselves been dealt by behaving in ways quite at odds with how they would otherwise be expected to act. These inversions of what Tocqueville called “the natural order of conscience” presented themselves as a loud but culturally muted challenge to the hypocrisies that people had built into the world they’d made together.
One of his favorite illustrations of early-American hypocrisy involved slave masters sleeping with their less-than-worthy slaves. To the best of my knowledge, he didn’t pick up on all the ways that slaves messed with their owners. Their well-chronicled and quiet resistance showed that even severely ill-treated people can exercise more control over their lives than outsiders appreciate.
Be that as it may, such inversions of a people’s “natural order of conscience” make a good public show of them wrestling with demons they can’t or may not want to shake off, but in any case, are nowhere close to figuring out how to cast out.
Implicit in these disruptions was the discomforting idea that people might flip the entire script and turn the world on its head in more permanent ways. That kind of flipping worked out better for us in our revolution against England than in our Civil War. These events taught us the value of stepping back from historically unprecedented ledges.
Americans of late have been giving loud expression to a long list of things they don’t like about each other and the last makeover they started but didn’t finish a half-century ago. The outcome of our fights today will be as revealing as they are embarrassing to everyone who imagined they could recast our country in a way that privileged their favorite kind of Americans.
Their disappointment with the accommodations they strike will be palpable, but the middling results they achieve with all their pushing and shoving won’t be anything they can’t live with.
Anthropologists who have written about such moments in other cultures less “advanced” than our own show that people find ways to work around their seemingly irreconcilable differences without ever fully resolving them. Indeed, the patches and repairs people make have the unheralded effect of reinforcing rather than undermining the legitimacy of the practices and values they thought were fundamentally flawed.
For example…
White guilt and black pessimism do more good than putting cash into the pockets of professional shamers and handwringers. They give the rest of us who don’t feel guilty or powerless more time to make the world less racially unequal. Good news.
Regarding illegal immigration, the entrance requirements for future immigrants will remain stringent. Americans will applaud the continued detention and deportation of the few illegal immigrants who commit serious crimes. Good news.
All the people who came to the United States without being legally vetted and were locked up for a time will be released in numbers small enough to avoid serious media attention. Along with the several million other good people who snuck in but avoided capture, the former detainees will go to school, find gainful employment, pay their taxes, and stay out of trouble. Many will eventually become citizens. Good news.
Investigations into election tampering and Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential loss will come to an unceremonious conclusion the day after his second term ends. Many Americans will grumble about this, but there will also be some quiet partying, too. Good and bad news.
Congressional hearings into all the grifting accomplished by people tied to the Trump administration will end without anyone having to pay a dime back to the American taxpayers. Bad news, we’ll learn to live with.
New laws and regulations will be created in the hope that the kind of corruption practiced by President Trump will not be repeated for another 250 years. Good news, I hope we’ll live long enough to enjoy.
Show trials for people who allegedly vandalized the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, if they happen, will get big television viewer ratings. Good news.
Trials for pardoned Capitol insurrectionists who committed serious crimes after their release should get more attention, but won’t. Bad news.
We will continue to hear nothing from most of the people who were pardoned for crimes they committed in the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021. They will keep their mouths shut and their heads down for the rest of their life. Good news.
The gold-gilded ornaments that Donald Trump had plastered all over the White House will be shipped to Mar-a-Lago, where the former president will sell them on eBay. Fun news.
American taxpayers end up paying for most of the new East Wing, the removal of the miniature gladiatorial arena that was built behind the White House, and the restoration of the White House rose garden. Bad news.
The Triumphal Arch was never built. Good news.
Trad wives and gay couples raise perfectly lovely children. Good but unsurprising news.
Trans men and women learn that most Americans can’t figure out who they used to be. No one gives a second thought to their use of “family bathrooms” or “unisex bathrooms” in public settings, businesses, and schools. Communities will sponsor athletic teams that have trans boys and girls just to show they can. Good news.
Budget deficits will be kicked down the road for someone else’s children to pay down. Bad news.
Federal agencies that had their budgets and employee ranks slashed during President Trump’s second term are getting some of the money and lost positions back. Good news.
Elite universities will buy their way out of DEI purgatory by competing for conservative scholars whose inflated salaries dwarf those of their liberal colleagues, who will think about suing their institutions for reverse discrimination but won’t be able to figure out who would pay for it or care. More fun news.
Okay. I’ve probably missed some ways that Americans will step back from the ledges they have been making noises about leaping off. But to the extent that my predictions pan out, the best and most important moral of the stories about us stepping away is this: everything we lost and took back, or had returned to us, will have happened without our government collapsing, civic traditions crumbling, or our people beating each other up.
The reason why is that the differences Americans have with each other really weren’t as irreconcilable as we made them out to be. The empty-sounding bromide that Americans have more that unites us than divides us turns out to be true, not just metaphorically but in fact.
Now that is really something to celebrate.
Daniel J. Monti (danieljmonti.com) is Professor of Sociology at Saint Louis University and the author of American Democracy and Disconsent: Liberalism and Illiberalism in Ferguson, Charlottesville, Black Lives Matter, and the Capitol Insurrection.