The Fed Is the Economy’s Thermostat
The Federal Reserve functions as the thermostat of the U.S. economy, insulated from short-term political and electoral pressure. When inflation heats up, it turns the dial down. When growth falters, it eases conditions. The goal is not to keep politicians comfortable in the moment, but to maintain stability over time.
Think of Jerome Powell as the technician in charge of that thermostat. He and the other board members are responsible for reading the economy’s temperature and adjusting based on economic data, not on the demands of political actors in the room.
Threaten the technician with criminal prosecution to force compliance and pressure meant to secure compliance instead destabilizes the entire system. The thermostat loses credibility. The readings become unreliable. Everyone inside the building starts wondering whether the heat is being controlled by climate or by fear.
By using the threat of a Justice Department investigation to pressure the Fed’s chair, the Trump administration has crossed a line that goes beyond long-standing norms of U.S. governance. It uses legal intimidation to coerce economic policymaking, injecting political risk directly into the machinery of monetary policy itself.
To be clear, this is no mere disagreement over interest rates. It is a test of whether the institutions designed to stabilize the U.S. economy can function when independence invites personal risk, and whether markets can continue to trust decisions made under the shadow of political coercion.
Why the Fed Is Independent
The Federal Reserve’s independence reflects lessons learned the hard way, including during the inflation shock of the 1970s, when sustained political pressure on the Federal Reserve under President Nixon produced short-term relief but long-term economic damage. Congress designed the Fed this way to protect the economy from those short-term pressures.
Lawmakers insulated the Fed to separate monetary policy from electoral timelines. By granting long terms, limiting removal, and spreading authority across a committee rather than concentrating it in a single official, Congress sought to ensure that interest-rate decisions reflected economic conditions, not campaign calendars. Independence does not remove monetary policy from democracy; it prevents it from being hijacked by the pressures of the next election.
Credibility Is the Fed’s Real Power
If independence is the Fed’s insulation, credibility is its calibration. It is the invisible setting that ensures the thermostat responds to real economic conditions rather than outside pressure.
The Federal Reserve does not command markets; it persuades them. Its influence rests on credibility: the belief that policy decisions are grounded in data, judgment, and long-term economic goals rather than political convenience. That trust allows businesses to plan, investors to price risk, and households to borrow with some confidence about the future.
Once credibility erodes, monetary policy begins to fail, even if the formal structures remain intact. Markets do not wait for proof of political interference; they respond to its possibility. If investors believe interest-rate decisions reflect coercion rather than actual conditions, risk premiums rise, volatility increases, and the Fed’s guidance loses force. Trust, once damaged, is difficult to restore.
Why Presidential Pressure Isn’t Always Wrong
Critics of Fed independence often argue that interest rates are too important to be left entirely to unelected officials. Monetary policy affects wages, housing, employment, and investment, and presidents bear the political consequences when the economy falters.
That concern is not unwarranted. But accountability is not the same as control. Congress already provides democratic oversight through appointments, confirmation, statutory mandates, and regular testimony. What independence removes is the ability to impose short-term political demands on decisions meant to serve long-term economic stability.
When Pressure Becomes Coercion
Presidents have complained about the Federal Reserve before, as was true during Trump’s first term. What makes the current situation different is not criticism, but employing legal force. The use of a criminal investigation, or the threat of one, as leverage against a sitting Fed chair fundamentally alters the incentives surrounding monetary policy.
Once personal legal risk enters the picture, markets must ask not only what the Fed should do, but what it is free to do. That uncertainty does not require a conviction or a removal to have an effect. The mere possibility that interest-rate decisions are being shaped by intimidation rather than data is enough to weaken confidence, increase volatility, and raise the cost of capital.
What Congress Can Do to Protect the Fed
Restoring the Fed’s independence will not happen through good intentions or appeals to tradition. It will require action from a new Congress willing to reassert its constitutional role. A new Congress is necessary because the current leadership has shown little interest in checking executive overreach in this administration.
First, lawmakers should clarify and tighten the legal standard for removing Federal Reserve governors and the chair. The statutory definition of “cause” should be explicit and narrow, limited to clear misconduct or incapacity, not policy disagreement or politically motivated investigations. Ambiguity invites pressure.
Second, Congress should strengthen firewalls between monetary policy and the Justice Department. While no official is above the law, criminal investigations involving sitting Fed officials should trigger heightened review or independent oversight, reducing the risk that prosecutorial tools are used as leverage in policy disputes.
Third, Congress should reinforce transparency when the Fed’s independence is threatened. Requiring prompt public disclosure of executive-branch actions that bear on monetary autonomy would make coercion harder to apply quietly and easier for markets to assess.
Finally, Congress must reclaim its own economic authority. Regular budgeting, clearer fiscal signals, and a willingness to check presidential overreach would reduce the temptation for the White House to pressure the Fed to compensate for legislative dysfunction.
Conclusion: Independence as Economic Infrastructure
What happens to the Federal Reserve rarely stays confined to the Federal Reserve.
The Fed’s independence is a form of economic infrastructure: quiet, often invisible, but essential. Undermining it does not trigger an immediate crisis. Instead, it slowly erodes trust, raises risk, and makes the economy more vulnerable to political shocks.
The danger is not that the Fed might defy a president. It is that future Fed chairs may hesitate to do so, knowing that independence now carries personal risk. When that happens, there may still be a thermostat on the wall, but it will no longer control the temperature.
Robert Cropf is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Louis University.



















President Donald Trump says Americans’ financial struggles matter “not even a little bit” as inflation rises, gas prices surge, and a controversial $1.7 billion taxpayer-funded compensation plan for political allies emerges.
Trump Says Americans’ Pain ‘Doesn’t Matter’ as $1.7B Aids His Allies
Perhaps the most effective ad in the 2024 campaign was “Kamala is for they/them. President Trump is for you.” Since that ad ran, the American people have learned that it is anything but true.
With gas prices having surged 28% in two months, inflation climbing to a three-year high of 3.8%, and the average family is spending an estimated $5,000 more this year than last due to rising costs across the board, a reporter asked Trump a simple question: To what extent are Americans’ financial situations motivating him to reach a deal to end the war in Iran?
Trump's answer was startling in its candor.
“Not even a little bit,” the President said. “The only thing that matters when I'm talking about Iran — they can't have a nuclear weapon. I don't think about Americans' financial situation. I don't think about anybody.”
But perhaps the most clarifying lens through which to view those words is what emerged just days later: Trump was suing the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) for $10 billion in damages over an IRS contractor’s leak of his tax returns but is now expected to drop that $10 billion lawsuit, not because justice has been served, but in exchange for the creation of a $1.7 billion fund to compensate his political allies.
The money would come not from any congressional appropriation but from the Treasury Department's Judgment Fund, a public fund funded by taxpayers that exists to pay legitimate court judgments against the federal government.
Under the proposed terms, a five-member commission with total authority to disburse that $1.7 billion would operate with no obligation to disclose its procedures or decision-making. Trump himself would retain the power to remove commission members without cause.
The beneficiaries? Among them: the nearly 1,600 individuals charged in connection with the January 6 Capitol attack, some of whom pleaded guilty, and people Trump already pardoned upon returning to office, as well as allies who claim they were targets of “weaponization” of the legal system under former President Joe Biden. Entities associated with Trump himself are not explicitly barred from filing claims.
The contrast here is not subtle. When asked directly whether the financial pain of working Americans factors into his decision-making, the president answers “not even a little bit.”
Yet within the same week, a deal surfaces in which $1.7 billion in public funds could flow to Trump allies, Proud Boys, Oath Keepers, and potentially Trump-linked entities — all under a commission the president controls, with no transparency requirements.
While ordinary Americans are losing ground financially, the president himself is doing remarkably well — and the numbers are staggering.
According to Forbes, Trump's net worth jumped from roughly $2.3 billion when he returned to the White House in January 2025 to an estimated $6.3 billion by April 2026 — nearly tripling his fortune in little over a year.
A New York Times investigation found that he personally gained approximately $1.4 billion in 2025 alone, a single-year increase that approaches the combined net worth of every other U.S. president while in office throughout American history.
The primary engine of that growth has not been real estate, the business that built his brand over five decades, but rather cryptocurrency ventures, meme coins, and media deals, all industries he has simultaneously deregulated from the Oval Office.
The American people are not the constituency this president governs for. The data bears that out. Real wages are losing ground as energy costs surge. The personal savings rate has dropped to 4%. Small businesses have shed hundreds of thousands of jobs under the weight of tariffs. Gas sits at over $4 a gallon. And the president's answer to the question of whether your financial pain is even in his mind is: no.
There is, of course, an argument to be made that preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon is a legitimate and serious national security priority that may justify some economic disruption.
But that argument is entirely separate from whether a president should care about the daily financial suffering of the people he was elected to serve. One can hold two things in mind at once. Trump apparently cannot — or will not.
We clearly have a portrait of a president whose conception of governance begins and ends with him and his loyalists. And when ordinary Americans ask if their struggles even register, they get the most honest answer this administration has offered: not even a little bit.
Lynn Schmidt is a columnist and Editorial Board member with the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. She holds a master's of science in political science as well as a bachelor's of science in nursing.