As Kristi Noem and Pam Bondi have learned, in Donald Trump’s world, loyalty to him is seldom reciprocated. They are just the latest in a string of people he has fired over the course of his two terms in office.
It is not surprising that someone who became famous for the use of the phrase “You’re fired” in his stint as a reality TV star would be quick to give the axe to anyone who displeases him. This is part of the reason his first administration set modern records for personnel turnover, and his second may break those records.
The people he lets go are not the only ones to pay the price. Trump’s readiness to throw anyone under the bus damages democracy by showing that loyalty to him and ruthlessness, efficiency in carrying out his agenda matter more to him than service to the people.
Democracy requires the kind of competency that the president does not seem to value. As Prof. Rosa Brooks explains, “A shared notion of competence is essential to democracy.” The kind of competency that democracy demands, she says, “Encompass(es) not only skill and efficacy but also judgment, humility and empathy.”
And if personnel decisions are also an indicator of the quality of a president’s judgment, Trump has failed mightily. His failure is especially telling because the president regularly boasts that he hires and appoints only “top, top people” who are “the best and most serious people.”
This boast was echoed on November 21, 2024, when the then President-elect announced Bondi’s appointment with great fanfare, lauding her experience and success in making “the streets safe for Florida Families.” In typical Trumpian fashion, he said that she “did such an incredible job” in reducing drug trafficking.
“I have known Pam for many years,” he added. “She is smart and tough, and is an AMERICA FIRST Fighter, who will do a terrific job as Attorney General!”
Nine days earlier, he described Kristi Noemhas as “very strong on Border Security….I have known Kristi for years, and have worked with her on a wide variety of projects. She will be a great part of our mission to Make America Safe Again.”
In both cases, the claim that he had known his appointees for years makes his decision to let them go less than two years after he selected them even more of an indication, as the Washington Post put it, that “he has made a mockery of… (his) pledge…” to appoint only the best people.
Looking back at his first term, the Post notes that, “One of the people Trump hired for the White House was working as a foreign agent while advising him during the election. His campaign chairman caught the Justice Department’s attention for similarly surreptitious work. And a third campaign adviser was reportedly surveilled by the FBI as part of an investigation into whether or not he was a Russian spy. The tales of Michael Flynn, Paul Manafort, and Carter Page… have…raised persistent questions about his judgment.”
In addition, the president has treated the people he terminates with cold, cavalier indifference. Recall that he fired former FBI Director James Comey while Comey was in Los Angeles at a speaking engagement. Then he took to Twitter to denounce him and congratulated himself on doing “a great service to the people in firing him. Good Instincts.”
In June 2019, Trump’s “good instincts” led him to nominate James Esper as Secretary of Defense. At Esper’s swearing-in ceremony, the president said, “There is no one more qualified to lead the Department of Defense than Mark Esper….“I am confident that he will be an outstanding Secretary of Defense. I have absolutely no doubt about it. He is outstanding in every way. And we’re honored to have you aboard.”
Seventeen months later, in November 2020, he fired Esper, tweeting, "Mark Esper has been terminated. I would like to thank him for his service." He did so even though, as NPR reported, “Esper earned the derogatory nickname ‘Yesper’ for seemingly acquiescing or remaining silent…” no matter what outrageous thing the president did.
Trump wanted to fire Esper months earlier after the Defense Secretary did not deploy regular military forces to quell riots in the wake of the murder of George Floyd. But by the time Trump got around to firing Esper, the Defense Secretary had plenty of company.
A Brookings Institution study released in January 2021 found that “turnover among the most influential positions within the executive office of the president” was higher in Trump’s first term than it had been in the first term of any other president going back to 1980. The same was true for members of President Trump’s first-term Cabinet. Fourteen people left the Cabinet. The next highest were the eight people who left the Cabinet in President George H.W. Bush’s first term.
The pace of churn has not slowed since he returned to the Oval Office. Time.com identifies seven senior officials that the president has already removed, including Bondi and Noem.
Time reminds us that the first was Mike Waltz, his National Security Advisor, whom the president fired in May 2025. “Waltz’s ouster came weeks after…a bombshell report that he had organized a group chat on the encrypted messaging app Signal to coordinate a sensitive military operation against Houthi militants in Yemen.”
Last May, Cameron Hamilton was also removed from his position as the acting head of the Federal Emergency Management Agency, “After he broke with the Administration by testifying to members of Congress that he did not approve of dismantling the agency.”
But it turns out that as much as Trump seems ready to fire people, he does not like to do it in person. So, he typically uses intermediaries or relies on social media.
He fired Reince Priebus, his first chief of staff, by a tweet as he was waiting on the tarmac for Trump to get off Air Force One. Trump used the same medium to let Rex Tillerson, Secretary of State in his first administration, know that his services were no longer needed.
In Bondi’s case, the president broke the pattern, delivering the news as the two of them rode together in a limousine so they could attend the oral argument in the birthright citizenship case at the Supreme Court. Not only was this an awkward place to fire her, but as the Daily Beast observes, he did so “brutally,” saying only, “I think it’s time.”
Capturing the cruelty of the moment, it adds, “Even after she was fired in the limousine, she begged to stay….(and) was forced to enter the Supreme Court knowing her time was up.”
This time, he showed a graciousness toward Bondi that has often been sorely lacking in his remarks about others he fired or who left the government. According to NPR, he called her a “Great American Patriot and a loyal friend” in a Truth Social post. He praised her for doing “a tremendous job overseeing a massive crackdown in Crime across our Country…. (and added) We love Pam….”
Small consolation.
As Trump once admitted, "I consider firing everybody. At some point, that's what happens." America’s democracy would be better served if he spent less time considering firing people and more time finding people whom he would never have to think about firing.
Brooks rightly notes that “Democracy… is unsustainable without competence at every level. We need citizens who understand our political system and who are capable of evaluating competing arguments, and we need leaders capable of developing and carrying out wise policies.” Those who have left the administration, as well as many who remain, have not shown themselves capable of doing so, and the American people are worse off because of it.
Austin Sarat is the William Nelson Cromwell professor of jurisprudence and political science at Amherst College.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.