When John and Mary Ring arrived in Will County, they stepped into a world unlike anything they had known. The prairie was crowded with newcomers — Germans, Irish, Scots, English, Scandinavians — each carrying their own languages, faiths, customs, and grievances. It was a noisy, fluid, sometimes volatile mix of people who had nothing in common except the simple fact that they were here. And yet, in that crowded field of difference, the Rings recognized something essential: their survival depended on finding common ground. They didn’t have to agree with everyone. They didn’t have to like everyone. But they understood that in this new American world, no group could elevate itself above the others without consequence. The only way forward was together. This was their first lesson in American identity.
What they did not expect was the media. The American press of the 1850s was loud, partisan, explosive, and central to the political fracture that would soon tear the nation apart. Newspapers were not neutral conveyors of information — they were engines of identity, outrage, and mobilization. Every faction had its own paper. Every paper had its own truth. For immigrants like the Rings, it was disorienting. Had they escaped one form of chaos only to land in another? But instead of judging, they discerned. They listened. They watched. They learned to separate noise from signal. And in that cacophony, a voice began to rise.
The Rings were Irish to their core. They carried in their bones the memory of subjugation, famine, and the long shadow of British rule. They knew what it meant to be exploited for economic gain. They knew what it meant to be treated as less than fully human. So when the great American debate over slavery intensified, they did not hesitate. Their sympathies aligned with the Union — not out of politics, but out of lived experience. The Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, the Bill of Rights — these were not abstractions to them. They were promises. Promises that the injustices of their homeland would not be repeated here. They believed in those promises with the fervor of people who had once been denied them.
Word spread of a man whose speeches were being printed verbatim in the papers. A man whose arguments were clear, measured, and grounded in respect for the common person. A man who spoke in a way the Rings understood instinctively. Abraham Lincoln. They had never seen him, but they recognized themselves in his words. He articulated what they felt but could not yet name: that America was still becoming, and that its becoming required moral clarity. The Lincoln–Douglas debates of 1858 crystallized everything. Two Illinoisans, standing on makeshift platforms, arguing the future of the nation — slavery, the western territories, the meaning of the founding documents, the fate of the Union. The Rings leaned in. They listened. And they chose.
When Lincoln’s train rolled through Joliet after his nomination, the Rings felt the ground shift. The Union was fracturing. War was coming. Their foothold in this new land was still shaky, but their principles were not. They stood with the Union. Not because it was easy. Not because it was safe. But because they knew — in the marrow of their bones — that the times demanded it. They had crossed an ocean for a chance at dignity. They would not abandon that chance now.
Even as the nation tore itself apart, Lincoln insisted on building. He supported the construction of the Capitol Rotunda during the war — a symbolic act that declared: this is our shared heritage; this is our democracy; this will endure. The Rings understood that instinct. It matched their own. And when the Homestead Act passed in 1862, they saw their opening. Even in hardship, even in uncertainty, even in war — they would build. They claimed land. They worked it. They built a community with neighbors who were nothing like them. They forged an American identity rooted not in sameness, but in shared responsibility. This was the frontier version of the exhausted majority: people who chose cooperation over division because their lives depended on it.
Amid all this, one object captured their new identity. A piece of Civil War–era civic identity, cast in elegant Victorian pewter, shaped like an oversized coffee pot. Decorative, symbolic, aspirational. It cost more than they should have spent. But they bought it anyway. Because it said everything they believed — hope, dignity, belonging, aspiration, allegiance, the promise of America. They valued it as highly as the land they farmed. And they intended it to outlive them. That pewter coffee pot sits with me now. A living voice across generations. A symbol of who they were — and who they believed we could become.
John and Mary Ring did more than endure their times. They shaped them. They built a way of being that embraced difference as strength. They held fast to principles when the nation shook. They chose the Union not because it was perfect, but because it was right. They believed in America enough to build it — even when America was breaking. Their story is not nostalgia. It is an instruction. And in our own fractured moment, their example is a reminder: we become Americans not by agreeing, but by building together. We inherit the Union by choosing it.
Patrick Fitzgerald is a Buffalo-based writer whose work explores civic responsibility, community life, and the quiet virtues that hold people together. Raised in the Midwest and shaped by the steadiness of farm communities, he writes about proportion, neighborliness, and the shared duties that form the backbone of American civic life. His essays draw on lived experience, family lineage, and a deep sense of place to offer readers a grounded, reflective perspective on how we can rebuild trust in one another.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.