On the anniversary of D-Day, I sat down to watch a movie and found myself unexpectedly in tears.
But that's what Pressure did to me. The new war film was directed and edited by Anthony Maras, written by Maras and David Haig, and starred Andrew Scott as the Scottish meteorologist James Stagg and Brendan Fraser as the burdened General Dwight D. Eisenhower.
The film strips D-Day down to its most improbable human element: not the beaches, not the battleships, not the paratroopers falling through the dark — but a general and a meteorologist, locked in a room, arguing over weather charts. The fate of the largest invasion in human history came down to one man's forecast, another man's willingness to trust it, and the overwhelming weight of a decision that could not be taken back.
What emotionally broke me wasn't the drama of the forecast. It was something quieter. It was watching men from different nations, America, Britain, Canada, sitting together in genuine trust, arguing fiercely, listening to each other, and ultimately choosing to be bound through a shared commitment. They didn't agree on everything. They didn't always like each other. But they showed up. They held the line together.
And then came Eisenhower's order to the Allied troops on June 6, and his words, delivered knowing that many of the men reading them would not survive the day.
Eisenhower warned them that the task would not be an easy one and that the hopes and prayers of liberty-loving people everywhere marched with them.
There was no bluster in it, no self-promotion. Just a commander laying down his own heart alongside the soldiers he was sending into the surf, bound together with allies from across the Atlantic in a cause that belonged to all of them.
We don't do that anymore.
Something has gone quietly, profoundly wrong with American foreign policy — not in the way Washington debates it, as a matter of strategic interest or budget percentages, but in terms of basic character.
America has stopped being the country that shows up. We have started being the country that sends the bill.
The contrast that haunts me is simple. Eisenhower shouldered the weight of hundreds of thousands of lives — Allied soldiers, French civilians, a continent under occupation.
He wasn't thinking about his legacy. He wasn't thinking about leverage. He was thinking about his responsibility to something larger than himself: to an alliance, to a mission, to the idea that free nations owed each other their best effort.
Eisenhower would go on to become president, and that same disposition — sober, outward-looking, genuinely burdened by the cost of leadership — defined how he governed.
Compare that to the brand of leadership we have now, where the first question in every room seems to be what's in it for me? Where partnerships are treated as transactions, allies as customers, and American prestige as a personal asset to be monetized.
The difference isn't just political philosophy. Its character. Eisenhower understood that the office existed to serve something above the man who held it. That understanding feels very far away right now.
Let's not be naive, the postwar order America built wasn't selfless. It served American interests. But it also rested on something genuine: a recognition that the world works better when free nations stick together, that alliances are worth honoring, not simply when convenient, that a partner's credibility is a currency you can spend only once.
That architecture is fraying, if not nearly gone. Countries that have staked their entire security on the American promise are recalculating. They'd be fools not to.
America used to understand that a world of strong allies was a world in which Americans could prosper. We don't seem to understand that anymore, or we comprehend it and no longer care.
The retreat isn't solely strategic. It's moral. There is a difference between a superpower that leads through legitimacy — one that other nations follow because they trust its judgment and count on its word — and one that throws its weight around while dismissing the very partners its credibility depends on. The world has noticed.
In Pressure, Stagg gives Eisenhower the only honest thing he can: his best judgment with no guarantee that it is right. And Eisenhower does the hardest thing a leader can do — he trusts someone else, absorbs the uncertainty, and decides. Not for himself, rather for everyone counting on him.
Eighty-two years later, the question isn't whether we're capable of that again. It's whether we still believe it matters.
I'm not sure we do. And that is what brought me to tears.
Lynn Schmidt is a columnist and Editorial Board member with the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. She holds a master's of science in political science as well as a bachelor's of science in nursing.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.