Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

The 6 toughest states for voting during the pandemic

Wisconsin voters in a long line during pandemic

All six states require an excuse for voting by mail, which could produce lines at the polls similar to Wisconsin's this month.

Scott Olson/Getty Images

The coronavirus has forced a fundamental reassessment of how best to allow citizens to both stay safe and carry out their most important civic responsibility — voting.

Almost half the states have already eased restrictions that would make it tougher to cast a ballot during the pandemic, and more may do so soon. But at the same time, six states now stand out as having the most restrictive voting rules in the country. And those hurdles will either disenfranchise or threaten the health of millions this year, assuming critical adjustments are not made soon and Covid-19 continues to upend normal life until fall.


How governors, legislators, election administrators and the courts respond in these states — enormous and potential battleground Texas, deep blue Connecticut, and reliably red Mississippi, Missouri, South Carolina and Tennessee — will go a long way to determining how many Americans are prevented from participating in one of the most consequential elections in modern history.

The six — detailed below — stand apart after a handful of others with minimal voting safeguards, most recently Kentucky last week, have announced workarounds.

The most straightforward way to assess how problematic it is to vote in all 50 states is to look at their election laws and regulations. One compilation routinely cited by civil rights and democracy reform groups is from the Brennan Center for Justice, which has assessed every state's readiness to conduct an election during a pandemic based on 11 policies the progressive advocacy group says should be in place. They are:

Sign up for The Fulcrum newsletter

  • No-excuse absentee balloting, permitting millions to easily avoid a trip to the polls.
  • Early in-person voting, allowing people to avoid potentially long lines on Election Day.
  • Online applications to vote absentee, meaning no special trips to print and deliver forms.
  • Online voter registration, for the same reason.
  • ID-free absentee voting, lowering hurdles for those without drivers' licenses or other government identification.
  • Witness-free absentee ballots, so solitary or ill people don't need to get close to someone willing to countersign their forms.
  • Postage-paid return envelopes, eliminating the main expense and inconvenience of voting by mail.
  • Counting ballots postmarked by Election Day, even if the mail delays their delivery as long as a week afterward.
  • Informing voters immediately if they've cast invaild absentee ballots and giving them a chance to fix the problem.
  • Registration and voting on Election Day, so those focused on economic or family troubles until the last minute could still cast a ballot.
  • Voting centers on Election Day, for those who may not find their home precinct most convenient.

This combination of policies is supported by many independent election experts and significant numbers of state and local election officials from both parties. It was also central to guidelines released in March by the National Task Force on Election Crises, a cross-partisan group of 40 experts in election law, election administration, national security, cybersecurity, voting rights and emergency response.

Based on this agenda, Mississippi stands alone as the least prepared of any state for holding an election during a health emergency where social distancing and staying out of public spaces is strongly recommended. It has just one of the 11 policies in place: No identification is required to complete an absentee ballot.

Mississippi — along with Connecticut, Missouri and South Carolina — are on the roster of just 10 states that don't allow all voters to cast ballots in person before Election Day, which in the rest of the country will limit overcrowding Nov. 3 and provide options for elderly, disabled and working people with scheduling and transportation challenges.

But the item on the policy roster being pushed hardest by democracy reform organizations is permitting "no excuse" absentee voting, because that would allow millions who fear catching Covid-19 to fill out their ballots at home and return them through the mail or in a socially distant drop box.

Laws on the books in all six of the most problematic states require absentee ballot applicants to declare their reason for doing so, generally from a finite roster or available excuses usually including disability, illness or age, and travel, work or religious obligations.

Such a requirement is labeled by good governance groups as antiquated and unnecessary, if not personally invasive. And it would undeniably dampen turnout in November, when many are not going to feel comfortable heading out to a polling place even if restrictions on leaving the house and congregating with others are lifted by then.

Ten other states similarly require an excused absence from the physical voting booth: Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Kentucky, Indiana, Louisiana, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York and West Virginia. But all have either waived that requirement or deemed the coronavirus outbreak a valid health reason, at least for voting in their primaries.

Control over that decision was entirely in GOP hands in four of those states, and the governor and top elections officials are from different parties in four others — suggesting a decent level of bipartisan support for expanding mail-in voting this year.

That is not apparent from listening to President Trump and many other prominent Republicans.

"If anyone can submit an absentee vote without a valid reason it raises the potential for voter fraud," Gov. Kay Ivey of Alabama told reporters last month. "And, y'all, in the middle of a public health crisis we don't need to open that up and add extra problems to our plate."

Trump voted absentee in this year's Florida primary and the 2018 midterm but has said repeatedly in recent weeks that voting by mail is "horrible," "corrupt" and "a very dangerous thing for this country, because they're cheaters."

At least as notably, he said he resisted efforts to legislate easements of election rules in the $2 trillion economic rescue package a month ago because those would have produced "levels of voting that, if you ever agreed to it, you'd never have a Republican elected in this country again."

Here is a countdown of the six states that look to have the most obstacles to conducting a high-turnout election during a pandemic — from bad to worst.

6. Texas

The second-most-populous state does have five of the 11 policies in place. There are 17 days of early voting and Election Day voter centers; there are no ID or witness signature requirements when casting an absentee ballot; and late-arriving mail ballots get counted if postmarked on time. There is also a limited do-over policy when absentee ballots get rejected. But voter registration ends a month before Election Day, there's no way to register online and an excuse is required for an absentee ballot.

A Democratic state judge ruled this month that the pandemic is enough of a reason to use mail-in ballots, but GOP Attorney General Ken Paxton says he adamantly opposes the idea and is appealing. If he prevails, the state's numbers may look like 2018, when just 6 percent of the 15.6 million votes were by mail.

5. Tennessee

Five of the policies are in place: 20 days for early voting, voting centers, online voter registration, no ID required for mail ballots and no one required to countersign a mail ballot. Registration is closed a month before the election, though, and the prospect of easing the excuse requirement for an absentee ballot is remote.

The General Assembly has altered several election laws this year but defeated a proposal to allow people to vote by mail because of the coronavirus. The debate may be revived when lawmakers return in June. Republican Secretary of State Tre Hargett opposes the idea as too expensive. Mail ballots accounted for only 2 percent of the 4.2 million total cast 2018.

4. Connecticut

The state has online and same-day registration, and does not require an ID or witness signature with a mail ballot. But there are no voting centers or early voting. And an absentee ballot application (which must be returned by mail or fax) allows only six narrow excuses for not voting in person — which is why only 6 percent of the state's 2.4 million voters used the mail last time.

After first rejecting the idea, Democratic Gov. Ned Lamont three weeks ago asked state lawyers if he can issue an executive order allowing unfettered mail voting during the pandemic. He has twice delayed the presidential primary. It's now Aug. 11, the same day as nominating contests for Congress and the Legislature.

3. South Carolina

The state has only a couple of the policies fully in place. Would-be voters may register online, but not within a month of the election. (And the application's demand of a full Social Security number, as in only four other states, is being challenged in a federal lawsuit.) No proof of identity is required with an absentee ballot, which may be returned in person ahead of time — but only by someone meeting precise excuse requirements. And very few do: Just 4 percent of the 1.7 million votes in 2018 were by mail.

Two lawsuits, one brought by the NAACP and the American Civil Liberties Union, the other by the Democratic Party, ask a state judge to declare anyone in the state may vote absentee this year. One of the acceptable reasons for voting at home is a physical disability and the pandemic fits that definition, the lawsuits claim. GOP Attorney General Alan Wilson has not offered a response to that argument

2. Missouri

The Show-Me State has shown little interest in policies that ease voting during the pandemic. Just three are in place: online registration, ID-free absentee balloting and postage-paid envelopes for returning those ballots. But there are no voting centers on Election Day and no places for casting a ballot ahead of time. That may help explain why 9 percent of 2.5 million votes cast in 2018 were mailed in — even though that required first mailing in an application providing an excuse to vote absentee.

The ACLU this month has sued in Missouri, as well. It argues that since standing in line at the polls is a health risk, and an acceptable excuse is illness or physical disability, "avoiding the contraction of the coronavirus" should be reason enough for absentee voting in the Aug. 4 primaries and the fall. Republican Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft says he doesn't have authority to make that change.

1. Mississippi

Perhaps it is not surprising the place with perhaps the longest and most notorious record of voter suppression tops the list of least hospitable states for voting during this year's crisis. There is no in-person early voting. There are no Election Day voting centers. Registering online is not allowed, registering by mail has to be done a month before the election — and, unlike every other state, applicants who are naturalized citizens must provide documentary proof.

Mississippi is also alone in having enacted only one of the 11 top policies that make balloting easier in a pandemic: No ID is required to vote by mail. But applying for an absentee ballot has to be done on paper, and the form allows just two acceptable excuses — being disabled or being out of town on Election Day.

In the last election, only 7 percent of nearly 1 million ballots cast in 2018 arrived by mail — and that share is unlikely to grow this time. The state's primaries were in March, before the public health emergency took hold, and the conservative Republican state government has done nothing to signal interest in easing vote-by-mail rules for November.

Read More

Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

Voters should be able to take the measure of Robert F. Kennedy Jr., since he is poised to win millions of votes in November.

Andrew Lichtenstein/Getty Images

Kennedy should have been in the debate – and states need ranked voting

Richie is co-founder and senior advisor of FairVote.

CNN’s presidential debate coincided with a fresh batch of swing-state snapshots that make one thing perfectly clear: Robert F. Kennedy Jr. may be a longshot to be our 47th president and faces his own controversies, yet the 10 percent he’s often achieving in Arizona, Michigan, Nevada and other battlegrounds could easily tilt the presidency.

Why did CNN keep him out with impossible-to-meet requirements? The performances, mistruths and misstatements by Joe Biden and Donald Trump would have shocked Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas, who managed to debate seven times without any discussion of golf handicaps — a subject better fit for a “Grumpy Old Men” outtake than one of the year’s two scheduled debates.

Keep ReadingShow less
I Voted stickers

Veterans for All Voters advocates for election reforms that enable more people to participate in primaries.

BackyardProduction/Getty Images

Veterans are working to make democracy more representative

Proctor, a Navy veteran, is a volunteer with Veterans for All Voters.

Imagine this: A general election with no negative campaigning and four or five viable candidates (regardless of party affiliation) competing based on their own personal ideas and actions — not simply their level of obstruction or how well they demonize their opponents. In this reformed election process, the candidate with the best ideas and the broadest appeal will win. The result: The exhausted majority will finally be well-represented again.

Keep ReadingShow less
Person voting at a dropbox in Washington, D.C.

A bill moving through Congress would only allow U.S. citizens to vote in D.C. municipal eletions.

Chen Mengtong/China News Service via Getty Images

The battle over noncitizen voting in America's capital

Rogers is the “data wrangler” at BillTrack50. He previously worked on policy in several government departments.

Should you be allowed to vote if you aren’t an American citizen? Or according to the adage ‘No taxation without representation’, if you pay taxes should you get to choose the representatives who help spend those tax dollars? Those questions are at the heart of the debate over a bill to restrict voting to U.S. citizens.

Keep ReadingShow less
people walking through a polling place

Election workers monitor a little-used polling place in Sandy Springs, Ga., during the state's 2022 primary.

Nathan Posner/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images

What November election? Half of the U.S. House is already decided.

Troiano is the executive director ofUnite America, a philanthropic venture fund that invests in nonpartisan election reform to foster a more representative and functional government. He’s also the author of “The Primary Solution.”

Last month, Americans were treated to an embarrassing spectacle: Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) and Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) tradingpersonal insults related to “fake eyelashes” and a “bleach blonde bad built butch body” during a late-night committee hearing. Some likened it to Bravo’s “Real Housewives” reality TV series, and wondered how it was possible that elected officials could act that way and still be elected to Congress by the voters.

The truth is, the vast majority of us don’t actually elect our House members — not even close. Less than 10 percent of voters in Crockett’s district participated in her 2024 Democratic primary, which all but guaranteed her re-election in the safe blue district. Greene ran unopposed in her GOP primary — meaning she was re-elected without needing to win a single vote. The nearly 600,000 voters in her overwhelmingly red district were denied any meaningful choice. Both contests were decided well before most voters participate in the general election.

Keep ReadingShow less
USA map with flags
FotografiaBasica/Getty Images

Eight needed steps to save democracy and our future

Fellmeth is the Price Professor of Public Interest Law at the University of San Diego School of Law and the founder and executive director of the Children’s Advocacy Institute.

Democracies in decline rarely come to an abrupt end. They usually unravel — slowly and subtly — over a period of time; the rot slowly reveals itself until the endgame becomes obvious. Threats to democracy are now out in the open and very real, but there are some steps we can take to help preserve governance by informed people who are concerned about our children and the Earth we leave behind.

Keep ReadingShow less